BROWN, SECRETARY OF DEFENSE, ET AL. v. GLINES
No. 78-1006
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
Argued November 6, 1979—Decided January 21, 1980
444 U.S. 348
Kent L. Jones argued the cause pro hac vice for petitioners. With him on the briefs were Solicitor General McCree, Assistant Attorney General Babcock, and Robert E. Kopp.
David M. Cobin, by appointment of the Court, 441 U. S. 930, argued the cause for respondent. With him on the brief was Melvin K. Dayley.
MR. JUSTICE POWELL delivered the opinion of the Court.
This case involves challenges to United States Air Force regulations that require members of the service to obtain approval from their commanders before circulating petitions on Air Force bases. The first question is whether the regulations violate the First Amendment. The second question is whether prohibiting the unauthorized circulation of petitions to Members of Congress violates
I
The Air Force regulations recognize that Air Force personnel have the right to petition Members of Congress and other public officials.
Albert Glines was a captain in the Air Force Reserves. While on active duty at the Travis Air Force Base in California, he drafted petitions to several Members of Congress and to the Secretary of Defense complaining about the Air Force‘s grooming standards.3 Aware that he needed command approval in order to solicit signatures within a base, Glines at first circulated the petitions outside his base. During a routine training flight through the Anderson Air Force Base in Guam, however, Glines gave the petitions to an Air Force sergeant without seeking approval from the base commander. The sergeant gathered eight signatures before military authorities halted the unauthorized distribution. Glines’ commander promptly removed him from active duty, determined that he had failed to meet the professional standards expected of an officer, and reassigned him to the standby reserves. Glines then brought suit in the United States District Court for the Northern District of California claiming that the Air Force regulations requiring prior approval for the circulation of petitions violated the First Amendment and
The Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit affirmed the finding of facial invalidity. Glines v. Wade, 586 F. 2d 675 (1978).6 Following its decision in an earlier case involving collective petitions to Members of Congress, the court first determined that the regulations violated
II
In Greer v. Spock, 424 U. S. 828, 840 (1976), MR. JUSTICE STEWART wrote for the Court that “nothing in the Constitution . . . disables a military commander from acting to avert what he perceives to be a clear danger to the loyalty, discipline, or morale of troops on the base under his command.” In that case, civilians who wished to distribute political literature on a military base challenged an Army regulation substantially identical to the Air Force regulations now at issue. See id., at 831, and n. 2. The civilians claimed that the Army regulation was an unconstitutional prior restraint on speech, invalid on its face. We disagreed. We recognized that a base commander may prevent the circulation of material that he determines to be a clear threat to the readiness of his troops. See id., at 837-839. We therefore sustained the Army regulation. Id., at 840.8 For the same reasons, we now uphold the Air Force regulations.9
These regulations, like the Army regulation in Spock, protect a substantial Government interest unrelated to the suppression of free expression. See Procunier v. Martinez, 416 U. S. 396, 413 (1974). The military is, “by necessity, a specialized society separate from civilian society.” Parker v. Levy, 417 U. S. 733, 743 (1974). Military personnel must be ready to perform their duty whenever the occasion arises. Ibid. To ensure that they always are capable of performing their mission promptly and reliably, the military services “must insist upon a respect for duty and a discipline without counterpart in civilian life.” Schlesinger v. Councilman, 420 U. S. 738, 757 (1975); see Department of Air Force v. Rose, 425 U. S. 352, 367-368 (1976).
” ‘Speech that is protected in the civil population may . . . undermine the effectiveness of response to command.’ ” Parker v. Levy, supra, at 759, quoting United States v. Priest, 21 U. S. C. M. A. 564, 570, 45 C. M. R. 338, 344 (1972). Thus, while members of the military services are entitled to the protections of the First Amendment, “the different character of the military community and of the military mission requires a different application of those protections.” Parker v. Levy, 417 U. S., at 758. The rights of military men must yield somewhat “to meet certain overriding demands of discipline and duty. . . .” Id., at 744, quoting Burns v. Wilson, 346 U. S. 137, 140 (1953) (plurality opinion).10 Speech likely to interfere with these vital prerequisites for military effectiveness therefore can be excluded from a military base. Spock,
Like the Army regulation that we upheld in Spock, the Air Force regulations restrict speech no more than is reasonably necessary to protect the substantial governmental interest. See Procunier v. Martinez, supra. Both the Army and the Air Force regulations implement the policy set forth in
Spock also established that a regulation requiring members of the military services to secure command approval before circulating written materials within a military base is not invalid on its face. Id., at 840.13 Without the opportunity to review materials before they are dispersed throughout his base, a military commander could not avert possible disruptions among his troops. Since a commander is charged with maintaining morale, discipline, and readiness, he must have authority over the distribution of materials that could affect adversely these essential attributes of an effective military force.14 “[T]he accuracy and effect of a superior‘s command
III
The only novel question in this case is whether
Section 1034 was introduced as a floor amendment to the Universal Military Training and Service Act of 1951 in response to a specific and limited problem. While Congress was debating the Act, Congressman Byrnes of Wisconsin learned that a young constituent seeking a hardship discharge from the Navy “had been told by his commanding officer . . . that a direct communication with his Congressman was prohibited and [that] it would make him subject to court-martial.” 97 Cong. Rec. 3776 (1951). When the Congressman made inquiry about the regulations imposing this restriction, the Secretary of the Navy informed him that they required “any letter from a member of the naval service . . . to a Congressman which affects the Naval Establishment . . . [to] be sent through official channels.” Ibid.16 The Con-
Congressman Byrnes’ purpose was “to permit any man who is inducted to sit down and take a pencil and paper and write to his Congressman or Senator.” Ibid.17 The entire legislative history of the measure focuses on providing an avenue for the communication of individual grievances. The Chairman of the Armed Services Committee succinctly summarized the legislative understanding. The amendment, he said, was intended “to let every man in the armed services have the privilege of writing his Congressman or Senator on any subject if it does not violate the law or if it does not deal with some secret matter.” Id., at 3877. It therefore is clear that Congress enacted
IV
We conclude that neither the First Amendment nor
Reversed.
MR. JUSTICE MARSHALL took no part in the consideration or decision of this case.
MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN, dissenting.*
I join my Brother STEWART‘S dissent on statutory grounds in Nos. 78-599 and 78-1006. Since that opinion does not command a Court, it is appropriate to express my view on the constitutional questions presented. I believe that the military regulations at issue are prohibited by the First Amendment; accordingly, I would hold them to be unconstitutional, and affirm the judgments of the two Courts of Appeals.
Two sets of military regulations are challenged. Respondents in Huff (No. 78-599), post, p. 453, attack Navy and Marine Corps regulations that require prior approval by commanding officers before the origination, distribution, or circulation of petitions or other written material on ships, aircraft, military installations, and “anywhere within a foreign country.”
*[This opinion applies also to No. 78-599, Secretary of Navy et al. v. Huff et al., post, p. 453.]
I
Respondents contend that the regulations impermissibly interfere with First Amendment rights to communicate and petition. That contention finds solid support in First Amendment doctrine as explicated in a variety of settings by decisions of this Court. These regulations plainly establish an essentially discretionary regime of censorship that arbitrarily deprives respondents of precious communicative rights.
The circulation of petitions is indisputably protected First Amendment activity. Petitioning involves a bundle of related First Amendment rights: the right to express ideas, see, e. g.,
This First Amendment shield for petitioning is impermissibly breached in at least three ways by the regulations before us.
Second. The command-approval procedure implementing these regulations is seriously flawed. Time and again, the Court has underscored the principle that restraints upon communication must be hedged about by procedures that guarantee against infringement of protected expression and that eliminate the play of discretion that epitomizes arbitrary censorship. See, e. g., Southeastern Promotions, Ltd. v. Conrad, supra, at 558-562; Blount v. Rizzi, 400 U. S. 410, 416-417 (1971); Carroll v. President & Comm‘rs of Princess Anne, 393 U. S. 175, 181 (1968); Freedman v. Maryland, 380 U. S. 51 (1965); Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, supra, at 70-71; cf. Schneider v. New Jersey, 308 U. S. 147 (1939). We have identified specific safeguards that are indispensable if a system of prior approval is to avoid First Amendment pitfalls. These include (1) the requirement that the burden of justifying censorship fall upon the censor, see New York Times Co. v. United States, supra, at 714; Freedman v. Maryland, supra, at 58, (2) the condition that administrative suppression must be subject to speedy judicial review, see Blount v. Rizzi, supra, at 417, and (3) the rule that those whose First Amendment interests are at stake be given notice and an opportunity to be heard during suppression proceedings, see Carroll v. President & Comm‘rs of Princess Anne, supra, at 181-183; cf. Procunier v. Martinez, supra, at 417-419.
None of these safeguards is present under the prior command-approval scheme. There is no indication that the burden of justifying censorship rests upon the authorities. Not only does the commanding officer make his own determination to suppress, but also no provision is made for prompt judi-
Third. The regulations demonstrably do not serve the military interests offered as their compelling justification, and for that reason alone violate the First Amendment. If regulation of communicative rights is to be justified by a compelling governmental interest, the regulation must precisely further that interest; where constitutional rights are at stake, important ends do not sustain mismatched means. See Nebraska Press Assn. v. Stuart, 427 U. S., at 563-567, 569; Procunier v. Martinez, supra, at 413. In this respect, the regulations here plainly founder. The most important purpose that can be posited for them is prevention of incitement to military disorder. But if the danger of incitement necessitates prior clearance of servicemen‘s messages, it would be logical for the military to mandate preclearance of all messages, whether
The only rational basis for disparate treatment of petitioning and oral communication would be the presence of some danger peculiar to the process of petitioning. But petitioning differs from simple, oral expression only in that it involves an element of physical conduct. Insofar as that physical element of the petitioning process poses a greater threat of disruption than does simple verbal expression, recourse to content-neutral regulation of the time, place, and manner of circulation is surely an appropriate and sufficient alternative to suppression. By ordering prior official review of the content of petitions, these regulations are an excessive response to any distinctive problems of petitioning. Even the most important governmental purpose cannot justify a regulation that unduly burdens First Amendment liberties. See Shelton v. Tucker, 364 U. S. 479, 488-490 (1960).
II
All that the Court offers to palliate these fatal constitutional infirmities is a series of platitudes about the special nature and overwhelming importance of military necessity.11 Ante, at 353-354.
Such skepticism lay at the heart of our decision in New York Times Co. v. United States. There, the Government urged that publication of the so-called Pentagon Papers would damage the Nation‘s security during a period of armed conflict. We rejected that assertion. 403 U. S., at 714. Separate opinions scrutinized the security argument, and declined to rely merely upon the Government‘s characterization of the interest at stake. Id., at 719-720 (Black, J.); id., at 722-724 (Douglas, J.); id., at 726-727 (BRENNAN, J.); id., at 730 (STEWART, J.); id., at 731, 733 (WHITE, J.). Similarly, United States v. Robel, supra, at 263-264, spurned simple deference to “talismanic incantation[s]” of “war power.” Analogously, we have stringently viewed the national-security argument when it has been proffered to support domestic warrantless surveillance. United States v. United States District Court, 407 U. S. 297, 320 (1972).
A properly detached—rather than unduly acquiescent—approach to the military-necessity argument here would doubtless have led the Court to a different result. The military‘s omission to regulate the content of oral communication suggests the pointlessness of controlling the identical message when embodied in a petition. It is further troubling that these regulations apply to all military bases, not merely to those that operate under combat or near-combat conditions. The “front line” and the rear echelon may be difficult to identify in the conditions of modern warfare, but there is a difference between an encampment that faces imminent conflict and a military installation that provides staging, support, or training services. It is simply impossible to credit the contention that national security is significantly promoted by the control of petitioning throughout all installations.
Finally, and fundamentally, the Court has been deluded into unquestioning acceptance of the very flawed assumption that discipline and morale are enhanced by restricting peaceful communication of various viewpoints. Properly regulated as
III
The Court egregiously errs in holding that Greer v. Spock, 424 U. S. 828 (1976), compels the validation of these regulations. I dissented in Greer, and continue to disagree with the decision in that case. But, in any event, Greer is not dispositive here; indeed, if it governs at all in these cases, Greer is authority that the regulations are constitutionally indefensible.
Greer arose because of the rejection by military authorities of Dr. Benjamin Spock‘s request to hold a Presidential campaign meeting and distribute campaign literature at Fort Dix. Although the case involved a number of Army regulations restricting various expressive activities—including regulations parallel to those before us now—the actual issue in Greer was the exclusion of a politically partisan campaign effort. And there were three critical elements in Greer that prompted the Court to sustain that exclusion:
First, the Court relied upon the proposition that civilians lack expressive rights on military reservations from which they can be excluded. Significantly, the previous decision in Flower v. United States, 407 U. S. 197 (1972) (per curiam), was distinguished on the ground that leafletting in Flower had taken place on a portion of Fort Sam Houston that had been effectively dedicated to public use.
Second, the Court noted that servicemen stationed at Fort Dix had easy access to off-base public fora where they could be exposed to communications by Dr. Spock and others. By the
Finally, Greer repeatedly emphasized the lack of any claim that the Fort Dix regulations had been applied in biased fashion. It explicitly noted the complete absence of any question of “irrationa[l], invidiou[s], or arbitrar[y]” application of the Army regulations. 424 U. S., at 840. Accordingly, the Court did not confront the problem of official discrimination among political viewpoints. Indeed, Greer placed weight upon a perceived “American constitutional tradition” that the military be institutionally free of political entanglement, and that it avoid “the appearance of acting as a handmaiden for partisan political causes or candidates.” Id., at 839.
These three predicates to Greer are wholly absent in the setting in which we review the regulations before us. On their face, and as applied in these cases, the regulations restrict the expressive activities of individuals who are mandatorily, not permissively, present on military reservations. For soldiers and sailors, as opposed to civilians, military installations must be the place for “free . . . communication of thoughts,” Greer v. Spock, supra, at 838. Further, when service personnel are stationed abroad or at sea, the base or warship is very likely the only place for free communication of thoughts.12 Thus, in contrast to Greer, the regulations here permit complete foreclosure of a distinctive mode of expression by servicemen, who lack the civilian‘s option to depart the sphere of military authority.
These cases also differ from Greer because they exemplify
Today‘s decisions, then, clash, rather than comport, with the underlying premises of Greer v. Spock. The Court unnecessarily trammels important First Amendment rights by uncritically accepting the dubious proposition that military security requires—or is furthered by—the discretionary sup-
MR. JUSTICE STEWART, with whom MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN joins, dissenting.
The Department of the Navy used to have a regulation mandating that every communication to a Member of Congress from anybody in the Navy had to be forwarded through official channels, if the communication “affect[ed] the Naval Establishment.” See 97 Cong. Rec. 3776 (1951). Congress was informed about this regulation in 1951, and its reaction was to enact a statute that currently reads:
“No person may restrict any member of an armed force in communicating with a member of Congress, unless the communication is unlawful or violates a regulation necessary to the security of the United States.”
10 U. S. C. § 1034 .
Today, the Court holds that this statute does not in any way protect the circulation by servicemen on United States military bases of petitions addressed to Members of Congress. Specifically, the Court holds that the statute does not apply to a military regulation requiring that the content of petitions addressed to Members of Congress be precleared,1 even when
Yet the Court‘s opinion appears to conclude that petitions are not “communications” within the meaning of
The historic matrix of the law contains no suggestion that Congress intended
The Court‘s opinion can be interpreted alternatively to hold that the regulations at issue do not constitute a “restrict[ion]” within the meaning of
That the preclearance regulations at issue here restrict the free flow of communication between servicemen and Members of Congress could not be more clearly demonstrated than by the facts presented in Secretary of Navy v. Huff, supra. There, servicemen invoked the preclearance procedures contained in similar regulations, but were denied permission to collect signatures on several petitions addressed to Members of Congress, which denials the Government now concedes were improper.5 Not only did the prescreening procedure unjustifiably prevent the circulation of those particular petitions; it also necessarily discouraged further collective and individual
For these reasons, I believe that the judgment of the Court of Appeals should be affirmed.7 Accordingly, I respectfully dissent from the opinion and judgment of the Court.
MR. JUSTICE STEVENS, dissenting.
The question whether
