Concurrence Opinion
The reasoning in support of the panel’s decision, fully set forth in the panel opinion, needs no elaboration. See Brown v. City of Oneonta,
The dissenters propose that when the police have been given a description of a criminal perpetrator by the victim that includes the perpetrator’s race, their subsequent investigation to find that perpetrator may constitute a suspect racial classification under the equal protection clause. Judge Straub’s view is that equal protection review is triggered whenever the police rely on a physical description provided by a victim or witness that includes race as the basis for conducting an investigation. Judge Calabresi believes that equal protection review arises in a slightly narrowed, yet related situation: when the police ignore the non-racial components of the provided description and question persons who, except for the racial descriptor, do not fit the description provided.
The fact that no legal opinion, concurrence, dissent (or other judicial pronouncement) has ever intimated, much less propоsed, any such rules of equal protection confirms a strong intuition of their non-viability. But, for the benefit of anyone who in the future may be undeterred by the inability of these theories to attract judicial recognition, their practical difficulties and analytical defects should be recognized.
I. General Concerns
For better or worse, it is a fact of life in our diverse culture that race is used on a daily basis as a shorthand for physical appearance. This is as true in police work as anywhere else. The theories suggested by the dissenters would require a police officer, before acting on a physical description that contains a racial element, to balance myriad competing considerations, one of which would be the risk of being subject to strict scrutiny in an equal protection lawsuit. Moreover, the officer frequently would have to engage in such balancing while under the pressure of a time-sensitive pursuit of a potentially dangerous criminal. Police work, as we know it, would be impaired and the safety of all citizens compromised. The most vulnerable and isolated would be harmed the most and, if police effectiveness is hobbled by special racial rules, residents of inner cities would be harmed most of all.
There have been times and places in this country in which the police have tolerated crime in African-American communities. See, e.g., John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (1937). They have done this on a' variety of assumptions, all of them degrading, and one of them was that the victims in these neighborhoods were somehow less important to the then dominant white community from which the police drew their support. Although still imperfect, the more racially diverse police of today generally strive to serve and protect those within African-American communities as they do those within every other community.
I have little doubt that the rules of constitutional law proposed by my colleagues would weaken police protection within all communities. Regrettably, the social costs of frustrating police investigations receive no mention in either dissent. In my view, it is a grave mistake to seize upon an idea that would alter police work and law enforcement procedures fundamentally without fully considering its effect on those most vulnerable to crime.
II. Judge Straub’s Proposal
The panel determined in this case that the police interviews of African-Americans in Oneonta — conducted in the hope of finding a person fitting the victim’s description of the perpetrator, a young, African-American male with a cut on his hand — did not trigger equal protection scrutiny because the officers, by acting on the basis of a description provided by the victim, proceeded in a race neutral manner, and limited their search for a suspect to persons fitting the victim’s description.
The rule that Judge Straub proposes is far broader and more trouble-prone than any possible emanations from the fact-specific holding of the panel opinion. Judge Straub suggests that whenever the police use a racial descriptor, they are employing a suspect racial classification, and should therefore be subject to strict judicial scrutiny. Indeed, under his theory, the police would face litigation even where the racial descriptor is combined with other common descriptors such as age, gender, and a physical marking (as was the case here), even if the police adhere faithfully to that description, and “regardless of [its] source.” See post at 790 (Straub, J. dissenting) (emphasis in original).
This rule would impede the most routine police work, particularly criminal investigations. A description of a perpetrator received by the police will often include only general attributes such as the perpetrator’s race, height and sex. If strict scrutiny were triggered by the mere presence of a racial descriptor, an officer would be subject to a lawsuit simply for trying to supplement a sparse description — and thereby narrow the field of potential suspects — by interviewing other persons who fit the racial description but are not yet suspects. Indeed, the police would be employing a suspect racial classification (and thus would be required to show a compelling state interest) whenever they “use” a racial descriptor, whether it is in an internal report, an equal opportunity employment database, a criminal investigation, or in simply rеcording or relaying a witness’ description.
The right to equal protection is an individual one. See Village of Willowbrook v. Olech,
III. Judge Calabresi’s Proposal
Judge Calabresi, although discomforted by the panel’s decision that equal protection considerations are inapplicable when the police follow a victim’s description that includes race, acknowledges certain difficulties with a contrary position. He cor
Unable to discern a plausible jurisprudential basis for an equal protection claim when the police follow a victim’s description, Judge Calabresi proposes a variant rule that he says this case raises: strict scrutiny is triggered if the police disregard all but the racial component of the victim’s description. More precisely, he states the rule as “the police created and acted upon a racial classification [that triggers strict scrutiny] by setting aside all but the racial elements in the victim’s description.” Id. at 781 (emphasis in original).
A. In Banc Considerations
As noted above, Judge Calabresi’s rule has neither been proposed, let alone adopted, by any court. So far as I can tell (or Judge Calabresi claims), it has never before been thought of. But more to the point in this litigation, it was at no time argued by the plaintiffs and in fact is not supported by the pleadings. As a matter of in banc policy, substantive law, and sound jurisprudence, this court has appropriately declined to reach out and embrace this new untested rule on facts that do not put it at issue.
It is well-settled in this court that “[a] conclusory allegation without evidentiary support or allegations of particularized incidents, does not state a valid claim.” Kern v. City of Rochester,
Perhaps realizing the deficiency in the allegation he points to, Judge Calabresi scours the approximately one-hundred-page complaint and the record below to patch together scattered demographic references in an effort to tease out an inference that the police stopped numerous black women. His math is speculative and ends up presenting at most another insufficiently particularized allegation. See post at 782 (Calabresi, J. dissenting) Only one relevant allegation with the required specificity appears in the complaint: that the
Judge Calabresi’s suggestion that we instruct the district court in this case to allow the plaintiffs to submit a fourth complaint which could then allege facts that could support his proposed rule introduces a jurisprudential danger. A footnote in the panel opinion permits repleading, see Brown v. City of Oneonta,
B. Criticisms
Putting aside the fact that Judge Cala-bresi’s creative proposed rule is not presented in this case, in my view it is flawed and unworkable.
Judge Calabresi’s opinion describes the proposed rule variously as: (i) “the police create[dj and act[ed] upon a racial classification [that triggers strict scrutiny] by setting aside all but the racial elements in the victim’s description” and (ii) “[the state is] creating an express classification that can only be approved if it survives strict scrutiny when state officers (like the police) ignore essentially everything but the racial part of a victim’s description, and, acting solely on that racial element, stop and question all members of that race they can get hold of, even those who grossly fail to fit the victim’s description^]” See post at 781 (Calabresi, J. dissenting) (emphasis in original).
If this proposed rule were adopted, it would mean that whenever the police are given a description that includes race, simply asking questions of a person of that same race who does not otherwise fit the description would violate that person’s constitutional right to equal protection unless the state could (1) show a compelling state interest and (2) that the questioning was essential to achieving that interest.
Innocent situations that could trigger liability under Judge Calabresi’s rule spring to mind. For instance, the proposed rule would apply to any situation in which the police were trying to find a fleeing suspect in a defined and limited area, such as a restaurant, a sidewalk, a parking lot, or a building, regardless of how many people occupied the area in question. In such а situation, officers often cannot know with complete certainty whether the person they question eventually might turn out to be a suspect, not
Judge Calabresi’s rule also would apply to instances where a police officer forgets or confuses part of the description— whether the perpetrator was wearing a grey jacket.or a brown one, for example. In such instances, prudent officers would fear to question anyone at all lest they draw an equal protection lawsuit. Finally, and perhaps most troubling, Judge Cala-bresi’s proposal, were it adopted, might be used as a prophylactic device to invalidate the arrest of the actual perpetrator, if that person could successfully argue that when he was first stopped and questioned he imperfectly “fit” a victim description that included race.
C. Fourth Amendment Safeguards
The Fourth Amendment’s prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures, carefully calibrated by the Supreme Court over two centuries, balances law enforcement needs against the rights of the citizen to be protected. See Graham v. Connor,
Judge Calabresi’s proposal, by injecting equal protection analysis into police investigations that rely on racial descriptors, would upset this carefully crafted balance.
The indefensibility of accepting the social costs of chilled policing in this context becomes all the more apparent when one considers the present reach of the Fourth Amendment: the gap in constitutional protection that Judge Calabresi believes to be created by the panel opinion and that he intends his rule to remedy is a narrow one. Judge Calabresi’s proposed approach would impose equal protection analysis without regard to whether the person encountered by an officer was arrested, temporarily detained for questioning or simply asked questions while remaining free to walk away.
Fourth Amendment jurisprudence— though not a general bar to racial discrimination or classification — already prohibits arrests and Terry investigatory detentions in many situations with which Judge Cala-bresi is concerned, that is, where “state officers (like the police) ignore essentially everything but the racial part of a victim description, and acting solely on that racial element stop and question all members of that race they can get hold of even when those questioned grossly fail to fit the victim’s description.” See post at 564 (Cal-abresi, J. dissenting). Such stops based on racial considerations alone, absent compelling exigent circumstances, would almost never rest on the constitutionally required “reasonable articulable suspicion” of criminal activity needed to justify an investigatory detention, see, e.g., U.S. v. Brignoni-Ponce,
I believe that any benefits from extending equal protection guarantees to such situations, where the citizen who is questioned is not deprived of his liberty even for а brief period of time and remains free at all times to walk away from the officer, are outweighed by the additional costs to
If some guidelines for officers conducting non-restraint encounters based on victim or witness descriptions, where race is a component of the description, are needed (about which I have no opinion), then they are more appropriately established by bodies with political accountability and with more experience and insight into the nuances of community policing than unelected life-tenured federal judges. State legislatures, municipal councils, and citizen oversight boards are far better suited than courts to balance the complicated considerations regarding the community’s policing needs and the sensibilities of minorities who may feel unfairly targeted.
Judge Calabresi is understandably troubled by the facts of this case, as no doubt were the plaintiffs to an even greater degree. But it seems to me that his proposed new rule has missed the real source of that discomfort. It is not that the police strayed from the description they were given, if stray they did. Rather, it is that the police conducted an investigation that went through the town seeking to stop every young African-Ameriсan male fitting the description the victim provided. The proper judicial remedy for people who were stopped and questioned during that investigation, as I have noted, is under the articulated and available standards of the Fourth Amendment; and several of those stopped have pursued that remedy. The constitutional rule that Judge has fashioned, by contrast, would hamper police efforts in investigating countless individuals — investigations that bear little or no resemblance to the “sweep” that is alleged to have occurred in this case. The consequent crippling of law enforcement in the more individualized contexts of daily police work would exact severe societal costs, and nowhere more so than in minority neighborhoods. The obvious presence of such costs counsels strongly against deciding to go in bane in order to elaborate ex nihilo a broad new rule of equal protection law that would constrain the police in situations that do not implicate the Fourth Amendment.
For these reasons, I concur in the court’s decision to deny this petition for rehearing in banc.
Notes
. Judge Calabresi also thinks the police request for a list of black male students at SUCO creates an inference that they departed from the victim's description. But this fact does not support Judge Calabresi's claim that the police wanted to stop elderly matriculants as well as those supposed to be college-aged.
. Judge Calabresi also argues that our circuit's Fourth Amendment law concerning whether a stop has occurred needs to be clarified. Judge Calabresi maintains that it is unsettled whether the reasonableness determination-that is, deciding whether a rеasonable person would have felt free to leave-is a question of fact or one of law. See post at 780-81 n. 1 (Calabresi, J. dissenting). I think the law is clear on this point. The question of whether a seizure occurred is a question of law, see Oneonta,
The single case from our circuit that Judge Calabresi says supports the view that a reasonableness determination under the Fourth Amendment is a question of fact is inapposite. See Posr v. Doherty,
. Lower courts are generally in accord that race alone will not support a Terry stop under the Fourth Amendment. See, e.g., U.S. v. Grant,
. I do not believe Judge Calabresi's proposed rule to be "superfluous,” see post at 787-88 n. 13 (Calabresi, J. dissenting), because of the existence of Fourth Amendment protections. To the contrary, my point is that the potential constitutional protections his unprecedented rule would afford to potential criminal suspects (who are in no way restrained but may be offended by the police encounters) would add to those that exist but would upset the Fourth Amendment’s careful balance of interests and entail unacceptable costs to society.
Concurrence Opinion
I concur in the denial of in banc review, and do so by opinion in order to say why I am wholly unconvinced by the dissenting analysis advanced by Judge Calabresi and in broader strokes by Judge Straub. Opinions pro and con on the denial of rehearing belong to a deservedly neglected genre. But I consider an opinion worth doing this time because an unintended subtext of Judge Calabresi’s opinion is that the panel opinion may be insufficiently deferential to large communities of Americans.
The premise of Judge Calabresi’s dissenting opinion is that the complaint, fairly read, alleges that in investigating a crime the Oneonta police treated as a suspect every minority individual regardless of sex or age, in disregard of every feature of the victim’s description except race. Since Judge Calabresi concedes that the police investigation was conducted without racial
Judge Calabresi’s reading of the 100-page complaint relies on an aggressive interpretation of passages juxtaposed from here and there, and conceives a claim that the plaintiffs themselves did not urge. Thus the complaint has been made to yield trace allegations deemed sufficient to justify a remand for yet another amended complaint, so that facts can be pleaded that may float Judge Calabresi’s views on a sensitive and vexed social question.
Even assuming that this case presented a problem unsolved by the panel, the prescription that Judge Calabresi offers is a bad idea. Judge Calabresi’s opinion says that strict scrutiny should apply when the poliсe disregard all features of a description given by a witness or victim and search solely on the basis of race. It seems to me pointless to convene the Court in banc in order to announce such a principle, because I don’t see how it would ever arise in an actual case: if, for example, the description is of a short black man with cropped hair, why would the police stop all black men, women and children, short and tall, long hair, short hair, or bald?
I notice, however, that the constitutional doctrine advanced in Judge Calabresi’s opinion would (if it can support anything) support a much broader principle, namely, that when a witness or victim describes a suspect in terms that include race, any deviation by the police from the non-racial descriptive features will be deemed the making of a racial classification subject to strict scrutiny. As Judge Calabresi’s opinion goes along, it speaks in these broader terms: e.g., “ignoring] essentially everything but the racial part of a victim’s description;” “focusing ... solely or predominantly on the fact that the perpetrator was black;” “foeus[ing] almost exclusively on [ ] racial elements.” See post at 781, 782 (Calabresi, J., dissenting) (emphasis added).
In order for this Court to direct that the district court accept the present pleading or accept a further amended pleading that spells out Judge Calabresi’s doctrine, we would have to hold that such a pleading states a claim for relief. I would vote against an in banc proceeding intended to advance such a doctrine for several reasons. The doctrine, as Judge Walker explains in his concurring opinion, is unworkable. And it is advanced without the inputs of briefing, precedent or scholarship, on which we have made it our habit to rely. Specifically, the doctrine is unaided by any input from the law enfоrcement community or from any of the other branches or organs of government. Moreover, the doctrine is based on unexamined notions now current in the bien pensant community rather than on any previously understood principles of policing or (for that matter) constitutional law, and is therefore incompletely baked. Finally, it trivializes strict scrutiny by applying it in routine circumstances in which the conduct scrutinized will be routinely validated.
If Judge Calabresi’s prescription is bad, the side effects are worse. As Judge Walker points out, Judge Calabresi’s rule would impose paralyzing inhibitions on law enforcement officers in minority communities. That is because fear of lawsuits, investigations and departmental discipline will tend to make the police in minority communities defensive, passive and scarce. No doubt, some people will think that is a good idea, but no community has yet elected to rely on police protection furnished by a corps of federal judges, and in any event it is presumptuous to assume that any community is of one mind on such an issue. Finally, Judge Calabresi’s idea is certainly not one that a Court should casually adopt as immutable constitutional doctrine without the petition of any party to a case or controversy.
Dissenting Opinion
The panel opinion, Brown v. Oneonta,
I
The facts in this case speak for themselves. They can be stated simply and are taken, for the most part, from the panel opinion.
Oneonta, a small town in upstate New York about sixty miles west of Albany, has about 10,000 full-time residents. In addition, some 7,500 students attend and reside at the State University of New York College at Oneonta (“SUCO”). The people in Oneonta are for the most part white. Fewer than three hundred blacks live in the town, and just two percent of [approximately 150 out of 7,500] students at SUCO are black.
On September 4, 1992, shortly before 2:00 a.m., someone broke into a house just outside Oneonta and attacked a seventy-seven-year-old woman. The woman told the police who responded to the scene that she could not identify her assailant’s face, but that he was wielding a knife; that he was a black man, based on her view of his hand and forearm; and that he was young, because of the speed with which he crossed her room. She also told the police that, as they struggled, the suspect had cut himself on the hand with the knife. A police canine unit tracked the assailant’s scent from the scene of the crime toward the SUCO campus, but lost the trail after several hundred yards.
The police immediately contacted SUCO and requested a list of its black male students. An official at SUCO supplied the list, and the poliсe attempted to locate and question every black male student at SUCO. This endeavor produced no suspects. Then, over the next several days, the police conducted a “sweep” of Oneonta, stopping and questioning non-white persons on the streets and inspecting their hands for cuts. More than two hundred persons were questioned during that period, but no suspect was apprehended. Those persons whose names appeared on the SUCO list and those who were approached and questioned by the police, believing that they had been unlawfully singled out because of their race, decided to seek redress.
Id. at 334.
As the opinion goes on to note, despite the description given by the victim, “at least one woman, Sheryl Champen, was [allegedly] stopped by law enforcement of
During the “sweep,” which occurred over a five day period, the officials, without any basis for suspecting any individual approached except for his or her race, attempted to stop, question, and physically inspect the hands of any and every non-white person in and around the City of Oneonta. Second Amended Complaint, at page 4, lines 1-5.
Also not mentioned by the panel is that the breadth of the sweep allegedly was no accident. For, as is further asserted by the plaintiffs, “the objective, as defendant Chandler [the State Police Investigator in charge of the probe] told the newspapers Newsday and the Oneonta Daily Star, was to try ‘to examine the hands of all the black people in the community.’ ” Second Amended Complaint, at page 30, ¶ 100.
In other words, according to the plaintiffs’ allegations, on the basis of a victim’s statement that her assailant was a young black male, the police in Oneonta, instructed by Chandler, decided to stop and question (a) every male black student at SUCO, regardless of age; (b) every non-white person they could find in the City of Oneonta, regardless of age or sex; and (c) at least one black woman named Sheryl Champen, who has joined this suit as a plaintiff.
Because the district court dismissed the plaintiffs’ complaint on a 12(b)(6) motion, all of these facts, and any others that may be shown in support of the allegations, must be taken as true, Dangler v. New York City Off Track Betting Corp.,
II
The plaintiffs brought suit claiming that the defendants’ behavior contravened the Equal Protection Clause of the United States Constitution.
As the panel properly notes, however,
There are several ways for a plaintiff to plead intentional discrimination that violates the Equal Protection Clause. A plaintiff could point to a law or policy that “expressly classifies persons on the basis of race.” [Hayden v. County of Nassau,180 F.3d 42 , 48 (2d Cir.1999)] (citing Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena,515 U.S. 200 , 213, 227-29,115 S.Ct. 2097 ,132 L.Ed.2d 158 (1995)). Or, a plaintiff could identify a facially neutral law or policy that has been applied in an intentionally discriminatory manner. See Yick Wo v. Hopkins,118 U.S. 356 , 373-74,6 S.Ct. 1064 ,30 L.Ed. 220 (1886). A plaintiff could also allege that a facially neutral statute or policy has an adverse effect and that it was motivated by discriminatory animus. See Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Hous. Dev. Corp.,429 U.S. 252 , 264-65,97 S.Ct. 555 ,50 L.Ed.2d 450 (1977); Johnson v. Wing,178 F.3d 611 , 615 (2d Cir.1999).
Accordingly, the issue before the panel was: Did the plaintiffs adequately plead that state officials imposed a constitutionally suspect classification? It is this question that the panel, in my view, fails adequately to answer. For, instead of considering, on the facts that we must take as true, whether the police created and acted upon a racial classification by setting aside all but the racial elements in the victim’s description, the panel examines the purely hypothetical question of whether, had the police acted on the victim’s description, such behavior would have imposed a racial classification. See id.
It follows that the panel’s answer to this question is irrelevant to deciding the controversy actually before us. That controversy, not addressed to any significant degree by the panel, remains the following: Is the state creating an express racial classification that can only be approved if it survives strict scrutiny when state officers (like the police) ignore essentially everything but the racial part of a victim’s description, and, acting solely on that racial element, stop and question all members of that race they can get hold of, even those who grossly fail to fit the victim’s description? The answer to that question, all but ignored by the panel, seems to me — both on the precedents and on plain logic — to be a resounding yes.
If I am correct, then the only way in which it can be said that plaintiffs have not sufficiently pleaded a violation of the equal protection of laws is if they have failed to allege facts that, if proven, would show that the police of Oneonta discounted the non-racial elements in the victim’s description while focusing, instead, solely or predominantly on the fact that the perpetrator was black. It is, therefore, to the adequacy of the plaintiffs’ pleadings— again virtually unexamined by the panel opinion — to which I turn.
Ill
That the facts pleaded are adequate seems to me manifest. In addition to the allegation — acknowledged by the panel— that the police stopped at least one woman, the Second Amended Complaint states at page 4, lines 1-5:
During the “sweep,” which occurred over a five day period, the officials, without any basis for suspecting any individual approached except for his or her race, attempted to stop, question, and physically inspect the hands of any and every non-white person in and around the City of Oneonta.
And as the complaint says at page 30, ¶ 100, the objective of the sweep as described by the head state police investigator was “ ‘to examine the hands of all the black people in the community.’ ”
Furthermore, the Second Amended Complaint, on page 3, alleges that the “defendants law enforcement officials ... obtained ... a list containing the name ... of all the male African-American students of SUCO [and] then sought out, approached, questioned, seized, and/or searched every person on that list.” Like the prior allegations, this assertion forms a proper basis for proving that the defendants ignored the victim’s description and focused almost exclusively on its racial elements. (This will be so if plaintiffs demonstrate — what may well be the case — that some African-Anerican students at SUCO, a state college after all, were not young.)
The only way, therefore, that the plaintiffs’ allegations could be deemed inadequate would be if these pleadings, these facts, could be termed “bald” or “fanciful.” That they are neither is, however, demonstrated by the panel’s own account, “... the police conducted a ‘sweep’ of Oneonta, stopping and questioning non-white persons on the streets and inspecting their hands for cuts. More than two hundred persons were questioned during that period, but no suspect was apprehended” [while] “[f]ewer than three hundred blacks live in the town.”
Since it is extremely unlikely that out of “fewer than three hundred blacks” (apart from black SUCO students who had already been questioned), more than two hundred were young males, it is anything but fanciful or bald to suggest, as the complaint expressly claims, that the police questioned virtually all blacks they could find, and intentionally did so regardless of age and sex. Let me be clear: I am not saying that the complaint alleges this demographic data. It doesn’t need to. It alleges facts as to police behavior that, if proven, support a finding that the police went beyond the victim’s description and created their own racial category. That is enough to get by 12(b)(6),
IV
How, then, can it be that allegations adequate to mandate the denial of a 12(b)(6) motion were deemed to be lacking? The only possibility that comes to mind is plainly wrong. The plaintiffs did not assert the specific legal theory on the basis of which the facts alleged would, if proven, constitute a violation of equal protection law (unless defendants’ actions survived strict scrutiny). That is, the plaintiffs did not articulate the following legal conclusion: “The facts alleged show that the police went beyond the victim’s description and therefore created a racial classification.” But, as is universally recognized, plaintiffs are required to plead facts not legal theories. It follows that a statement of a specific legal theory is in no way needed for a pleading to survive a 12(b)(6) dismissal motion. See Simonton v. Runyon,
The failure of the plaintiffs to articulate the race classification theory, however, does raise the possibility that, were we to go in banc, the plaintiffs might disavow that theory, and the in banc would then collapse. This failure, while it does not make the panel decision less egregious,
This approach would have several advantages, apart from obviating the need for this dissent. First, it would demand of the plaintiffs that they make clear the link between the facts they alleged and the above mentioned legal theory (which is the one most proximately supported by these facts). This would helpfully tie the facts to the theory without risking the possibility of a misfired in banc. And second, it would recognize that (even on the contrary-to-fact assumption that the plaintiffs’ original pleadings were inadequate to support their equal protection claim) the plaintiffs nonetheless deserve an opportunity to make their pleadings good.
On our precedents, plaintiffs are regularly and properly given at least one chance to amend their complaint in response to a district court’s finding of inadequacy. See Branum v. Clark,
Here the plaintiffs were seemingly offered such an opportunity. But the “chance” that they were given was in fact totally useless. The district court said to the plaintiffs, “Amend to allege that others like situated were treated differently.” It did not say, “Your allegations are insufficient to support a finding that the police ignored large parts of the victim’s description and in doing so created a racial classification. Amend to allege facts that, if proven, would show this.” The district court was not, of course, under any obligation to point plaintiffs in the direction they needed to go. But it should not have told them both to go in the ivrong direction and that this was the only direction available.
Nevertheless, the panel declined to require that such an opportunity to replead be given.
V
More broadly, two fundamental problems with the panel’s opinion justify in
Why is this so? The first reason is that by doing this, the panel prematurely legitimates actions that — even if they might ultimately be deemed valid — are, as the panel itself recognized, extremely offensive to a much abused part of our population. See
But there are also other, structural, reasons why the panel’s, to me unnecessary, validation of the police sweep is particularly undesirable. The question of when, if ever, merely following a victim s description that is predominantly racial might violate equal protection norms is an extremely difficult one. A couple of examples will suggest why. Suppose an armed robbery occurs in which the victim cuts the arm of the robber. The robber, described by the victim in racial terms, runs into a crowded bar where there are only three others who could be so described. Is it wrong for the police to ask the four to show whether they have a cut on their arm? Of course not. But imagine, instead, that a passerby sees someone illegally swimming naked in a park pond and describes the swimmer to the police in racial terms, adding that the swimmer can readily be identified because he has a distinctive tattoo on his posterior. Can it possibly be acceptable for the police to ask every male in town who fits that racial description to strip, even if the police do so with utmost politeness and in full conformity with Fourth Amendment strictures? I would certainly think not.
In between these examples there are any number of permutations involving, among other things, (a) the seriousness of the crime; (b) the number of people in the racially defined group who are subject to questioning; (c) the significance and extent of %0%-racial attributes given by the victim in addition to the racial one; (d) the capacity of the victim to describe the perpetrator in non-racial (as well as in racial) terms; (e) the effort, if any, by the police to elicit from the victim such nonracial descriptions; (f) the intrusiveness of the questioning; and (g) the special indignity (arising from the existence of stereotypes) that may result from connecting
Given the complexity of this issue, courts should surely avoid premature judicial pronouncements of validity (or invalidity).
VI
Determining where, if anywhere, a court should draw the line between acceptable and unacceptable police behavior in such a morass would be very hard, even in the best of circumstances. It is made yet more difficult by the fact that the legal categories courts currently have available are utterly unsuited to the task. We can leave to one side the properly forbidden instances of behavior motivated by racial animus, because we can assume that at least in most cases the police would be able to point out that their object was to catch the perpetrator and not to discriminate. Similarly, the question of whether the same action would have been taken if the racial description had been of a member of a more favored “racial” group, will (as the panel opinion demonstrates all too well) rarely be helpful in drawing appropriate lines. And so we are left only with the possibility that, perhaps sometimes, following a victim’s racial description can, without more, constitute a racial classification, and as such might be subject to strict scrutiny. But that possibility also turns out to be of little help.
The problem is that the strict scrutiny criteria developed by the Supreme Court are much too blunt. If an action is deemed a racial classification, it is very difficult, under the Supreme Court precedents, ever to justify it. And, were such justification made easier in cases of police following a victim’s description, the spillover to other racial classification contexts would be highly undesirable. In other words, were the requirements of strict scrutiny to be relaxed in the police/victim’s description area, it would be hard indeed to keep them from also being weakened in other areas in which racial classifications ought virtually never to be countenanced. If, instead, following victim racial descriptions by the police were not deemed to be, at least potentially, racial classifications, there would be no constitutional impediment on police sweeps to identify, say, even the racially described naked swimmer.
For these, and other similar reasons, courts should recognize severe limitations on their competence to deal with victim racial descriptions. But limitations do not mean impotence, they mean that courts
My point is simply this: If courts give a blank check and broadly legitimate police behavior when it consists of blindly following victims’ descriptions that are predominantly racial, legislatures are very unlikely to step in. If, instead, courts try to define, on their own, what is acceptable and what is not, they will probably botch the job terribly. Neither approach is as likely to be as good as one that would derive from a dialogue that could be developed between courts and legislatures.
By speaking at all when it did not need to, the panel both makes legislative intervention less likely and guides that intervention — were it to occur — prematurely and hence improperly. How much better it would have been, therefore, had the panel taken note of the fact that the plаintiffs’ allegations made this case one in which the police did not merely follow a victim’s description, but instead created their own racial category. The panel would then have reversed the district court while, at the same time, pointing out the difficulties that courts face with respect to situations in which the police do no more than follow victims’ descriptions. Had it done this, the panel would not only have not needed to tell African-Americans that,' sorry as we are, you must put up with demeaning treatment, it would also have furthered a legislative/judicial dialogue that, precisely because it would involve participation by, among others, African-Americans and the police, would have some hope of developing effective and non-hurtful ways of dealing with a very hard problem.
Blessedly,
It might then happen, if plaintiffs are able to support the facts they allege sufficiently to avoid summary judgment, that the case would proceed to trial. The result of such a trial could be that — except for its uncontroversial recognition that a prima facie violation of the Equal Protection of the law that is subjеct to strict scrutiny occurs when a racial classification is created by state action — everything the panel said would be of little significance. And the panel opinion would end up being no more than a minor footnote to a case decided on other grounds.
CONCLUSION
It may be, therefore, that our failure to go in banc will ultimately not have serious
I respectfully dissent from the denial of rehearing in banc. This case presents “exceptionally] importan[t]” questions of constitutional law, Fed.R.App. P. 35(a)(2), concerning the manner in and degree to which police investigations that rely upon predominantly racial descriptions given by witnesses are to be scrutinized under the Fourteenth Amendment and the Ku Klux Act of 1871, 17 Stat. 13 (codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1983). The panel reaches a grave conclusion by holding that the poliсe act constitutionally under the Fourteenth Amendment when, based on a witness’s predominantly racial description, they stop every young African American male in town to determine whether he can exclude himself from a vague class of potential suspects that has been defined in overwhelmingly racial terms.
It is far from self-evident that the panel’s summary disposition of that novel and complex constitutional question is correct. Regardless of the source of their descriptions of suspects, police departments and individual police officers acting under color of law have an independent constitutional obligation to ensure that their use of those descriptions comports with the requirements of the Fourteenth Amendment— even if the description they rely upon is faithful to what they have been told by a witness. After all, criminal investigations are conducted by the police, not by witnesses. The witness’s description in this case was given to the police as part of its process — “governmental in character,” Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co., Inc.,
'Contrary to the suggestion of Chief Judge Walker, see ante at 773 (Walker, C.J., concurring), the recitation of that basic proposition in this opinion does not “propose” any rule beyond that which the panel itself suggests in its amended opinion — or at least beyond one of the two contradictory rules the panel suggests. The panel already has conceded, in its amended opinion, that police officers cannot wholly insulate themselves from equal protection review simply by claiming that the description they used in an investigation came, in the first instance, from a witness. See Brown v. Oneonta,
With no support for its suggestion that no state action took place, the panel is left to rely solely on the assertion that the police interrogations of the plaintiffs in this case involved no racial classification at all. See ante at 772 (Walker, C.J., concurring). The panel reaches that conclusion by noting that the plaintiffs “were not questioned solely on the basis of their race,” but based on a description that contained “also gender and age, as well as the possibility of a cut on the hand.” Oneonta,
The judges of this Court obviously disagree sharply over the serious and difficult constitutional questions presented in this case, which appear to be of first impression in this Circuit and every other. For that reason alone, if not for any other, this case would seem to demand in banc reconsideration. Cf. Koehler v. Bank of Bermuda (New York) Ltd.,
. Some of the plaintiffs also alleged violations of the Fourth Amendment. I believe that the panel opinion's handling of the Fourth Amendment claims of Jamel Champen and Ricky Brown is in direct conflict with the law of two circuits, see Gardenhire v. Schubert,
The issue raised by these cases concerns when a court and when a fact-finder should determine whether a reasonable person would conclude that he or she was free to leave while being questioned by the police. In United States v. Montilla,
. In an earlier, now vacated, opinion the current panel treated "reasonableness” as part of the legal conclusion, and found against the plaintiffs. In the present opinion, the panel still treats it as "law,” but finds for the plaintiffs. The new result may be more nearly correct on the facts but it may well be wrong on who is the proper decision maker. Treating reasonableness as a legal conclusion is not only in conflict with decisions of other circuits (see supra) but is also inconsistent with much other closely related law. See, e.g., United States v. Tehrani,
. It is not surprising that the district court erred in this way, given the fact that the parties had not argued the theory of the case that I discuss below.
. I do not, of course, mean to suggest that any seeming police deviation from a victim's de
Similarly, and more important, even seemingly permanent attributes can be disguised. And if there were evidence that the perpetrator had (or was likely to) disguise his sex, or age, these attributes could also be discounted by the police. But "race” too can be disguised. Thus, unless the police are operating on the basis of stereotypes, or unless there is actual evidence to the contrary, there is little reason for the police to assume that the perpetrator disguised his or her gender or age, rather than race, and as a result, proceed to question only those who fit the racial description.
In any event, no such issues are plausibly before us in this case. And, even if they were, it would be extremely unlikely that they would justify a 12(b)(6) dismissal since the reasons justifying the deviation would generally be best examined on the basis of affidavits or other factual submissions.
. See McLain v. Real Estate Bd. of New Orleans, Inc.,
. I am not, of course, assuming that the facts alleged will turn out to be sufficient to convince a jury, or even to avoid summary judgment. But they are more than enough to survive dismissal on 12(b)(6).
. Again, what the district court did was quite understandable. See supra note 2.
. Contrast, in this respect, the concurring opinion of Judges Sack and Katzmann.
. There can be little doubt that what descriptions are given, among many possible ones, reflect a country’s underlying biases. Thus in Italy after the Fascist racial laws were passed in 1938, people, for the first time, came to be described in all sorts of police situations as "Jewish looking.” Similarly, at the time of the Palsgraf case, Palsgraf v. Long Island R.R. Co.,
. I would argue, just on the basis of what it told the district court in footnote 9, that the panel was obligated to avoid making these pronouncements. The footnote makes it possible that the case belore us will ultimately be concluded without regard to any rules dealing with police behavior that merely follows victims’ descriptions. This being so, there was no need in the current appeal to make any pronouncements on that issue. This is especially true since the pronouncements involve constitutional questions that, under our precepts, courts are to avoid deciding unless it is necessary to do so. Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Ass’n,
. Judges Parker and Sotomayor, while joining all the other parts of the opinion, do not join this section.
. Legislatures could, for example, if they deemed it appropriate, require the police to request that a victim or witness, who had given a solely racial description, answer questions seeking to elicit significant non-racial attributes of the perpetrator. Defining such detailed requirements — Miranda, to the contrary notwithstanding — is not generally something courts do well, but it fits squarely within the competence of legislatures.
. For these purposes, when I say legislatures I presuppose involvement of the relevant executives as well.
. In answer to all this, Chief Judge Walker and Judge Jacobs seek to make four points. I believe that all of them are incorrect.
They first suggest that the Fourth Amendment is sufficiеnt to protect citizens from discriminatory police behavior and, hence, that applying any equal protection review to police investigations is superfluous. Relatedly, they claim that even highly limited equal protection review would have dire consequences. But any argument that the Fourth Amendment could possibly suffice depends, I think, on two propositions, never mentioned, let alone accepted, in the concurring opinions: that where there is a seizure (like a Terry stop) one of the things that must influence whether that seizure is reasonable under the Fourth Amendment is the presence or absence of racial considerations with respect to the seizure; and further, that such a determination of reasonableness in cases of racial classification is at least open to the application of strict scrutiny criteria akin to those of equal protection. Unfortunately, these assumptions appear to be precluded by the Supreme Court’s decision in Whren v. United States,
In any event, even with these assumptions, the Fourth Amendment seems to me manifestly inadequate to deal with the underlying problem. There are, for example, in a society with deep racial divisions, any number of police intrusions on citizens that do not amount to Terry stops or to other forms of searches and seizures cognizable under the Fourth Amendment, but that are, nonetheless, immensely hurtful. Some of these may be necessary in order to control serious crimes. Other intrusions, however, because they are not needed to apprehend the perpetrators of such crimes, or because they deal only with
Second, they state that the police in this case could not possibly have ignored all but the racial elements in the victim’s description because to do so would have been stupid. But that is precisely what the plaintiffs alleged in their complaint (and adduced evidence to support). And — quite apart from the fact that racial stereotyping leading to blatantly stupid behavior is far from unknown in our society, even, I expect, among the police — for the concurrers to disbelieve these allegations is to violate the most elementary rules of decision with respect to 12(b)(6) dismissals.
Third, Chief Judge Walker and Judge Jacobs claim that the equal protection theory discussed in this opinion is both unheard of and academic. But, in fact, as we all know, the suspect nature of racial classifications is thoroughly grounded in the Supreme Court's and in this court's precedents. See, e.g., Whren,
Finally, the concurrers assert that a racial classification is not necessarily created every time the police question someone who does not fit the victim’s description of the perpetrator. After all, the police may only be searching for witnesses and not suspects. Of course. But one must also ask why, in the case before us — according to the allegations that we are required to take as true — all of these so-called witnesses were black, and all were asked to show whether they had the incriminating cut on their wrist.!
. In this respect, I note that a majority of the twelve currently active judges of our court do not wish this case to be treated as ended. Five judges (Judges Kearse, Parker, Straub, Sotomayor, in addition to me) have voted in favor of a rehearing in banc, and two judges (Judges Sack and Katzmann), while voting against a rehearing in banc, have stated unequivocally that they believe the district court should permit the plaintiffs to amend their complaint. See opinion of Judges Sack and Katzmann concurring in the denial of the rehearing in banc, ante at 779.
. See note 7 supra.
. Chief Judge Walker observes that “there have been times and places in this country in which the police have tolerated crime in African American communities.” Ante at 771 (Walker, C.J., concurring). That statement is true enough. It is equally true, however, that there have been, and continue to be, times and places in this country in which victims have been neither accurate nor innocent in their use of race to describe criminal suspects — witness, for example, the Boston Police Department's wrongful arrest of an innocent man in 1989 for the murder of Carol Stuart, based upon a witness's fabricated description of the suspect as being "a black male in his late 20s or early 30s, about 5 feet 10 inches tall and weighing 150 to 160 pounds,” who spoke "in a raspy, 'sing-song' tone.” Sally Jacobs & Diego Ribadeneira, No Wallet, So Killer Opened Fire, Boston Globe, Oct. 26, 1989, at 1; see also Peter J. Howe, From Nightmare to Reality, A City is Reeling, Boston Globe, Jan. 7, 1990, at 1.
No less than when they rely upon racial classifications of their own making, the police impose tremendous social costs upon people of color when they act primarily upon the race-based suspicion of victims and other witnesses. Indeed, at least one commentator has gone so far as to describe the costs of using race-based suspicion in police investigations as imposing a "racial tax” upon people of color. See Randall Kennedy, Race, Crime, and the Law 169-63 (1997). The panel pays insufficient heed to these social costs.
. In this respect, the panel appears to err by requiring the plaintiffs to point to a "law or policy that expressly classifies persons on the basis of race” — which, for the panel, seems to refer only to "established profilefs]” or "regular policies] based on racial stereotypes” — in order to make out a viable claim under the Equal Protection Clause that an express racial classification was used. Brown v. Oneonta,
It is true that claims under section 1983 against government officials in their official capacities (or against the City of Oneonta itself) must show that the entity’s "policy or custom ... played a part in the violation of federal law.” Hafer v. Melo,
Concurrence Opinion
We concur in the Court’s decision to deny rehearing in banc because we think it would likely be unproductive. We note, however, our view that the Court should have remanded to the district court allowing the plaintiffs to amend their complaint in light of the panel’s clarifying language with respect to the Equal Protection Clause in its amended opinion.
Dissenting Opinion
I dissent.
