Nelson BOCK and Patricia Lawless-Avelar, Petitioners, v. WESTMINSTER MALL COMPANY, Respondent.
No. 90SC433.
Supreme Court of Colorado, En Banc.
Oct. 7, 1991.
Rehearing Denied Nov. 4, 1991.
James L. Aab, Denver, Elizabeth Drill Nay, Robert Steven Caldwell, Lewis, Rice & Fingersh, Kansas City, Mo., for respondent.
Justice MULLARKEY delivered the Opinion of the Court.
We granted certiorari to review Bock v. Westminster Mall Co., 797 P.2d 797 (Colo. App. 1990), in which the court of appeals held that individual members of “The Pledge of Resistance” did not have a protected right to distribute leaflets in the common areas of Westminster Mall
Whether
Article II, Section 10 of the Colorado Constitution prevents the private owner of an enclosed shopping mall from excluding citizens engaged in non-violent political speech from the common areas of the mall?1
For the reasons stated below, we reverse the judgment of the court of appeals. Within the public spaces of the Mall,
I.
Petitioners, Nelson Bock and Patricia Lawless-Avelar, are members of an unincorporated political association known as “The Pledge of Resistance.” Petitioners sought permission to distribute their pamphlets and to solicit protest signatures in the common areas inside the Mall. Respondent, Westminster Mall Company (“Company“), owner of the Mall, denied petitioners’ request.
Petitioners sought declaratory and injunctive relief on the ground that they had a protected right to disseminate information and to solicit signatures from the public as denied by respondent. Following discovery, the parties filed cross-motions for summary judgment. The district court denied petitioners’ motion and granted respondent‘s motion. After we denied a petition for writ of certiorari under C.A.R. 50, the court of appeals affirmed the district court‘s judgment. We then granted certiorari pursuant to C.A.R. 49.
The Mall is a regional shopping center. Its primary geographic service zone is not limited to the City of Westminster (“City“) but includes numerous Denver suburbs and extends to Boulder, Colorado. The Mall is one of two such centers anchored by five large department stores in the Denver metropolitan area. In addition to the five anchor stores, about 130 other retail and service establishments are tenants of the Mall, including a film theatre. Since an expansion in 1986, the Mall sprawls over approximately 118 acres, including parking for more than 6,500 cars. The central Mall area, counting the anchor stores, totals more than 1,390,000 square feet. Of this total, 134,000 square feet comprise the Mall‘s common areas. These corridors and concourses not only facilitate the flow of the browsing and/or buying public but also offer fountains, plant foliage, and seating for their convenience.
The Mall‘s common areas are open to the general public without charge, and no purchase is necessary to enter or exit the Mall. This open access to the Mall is proffered year-round, between the hours of 10:00 a.m. and 9:00 p.m., Monday through Saturday, and between noon and 6:00 p.m. on Sundays. These public hours are extended during more profitable shopping seasons, such as Christmas. In years past, retail sales in the Mall have accounted for more than ten percent of such sales in the City.
Regulating the use of the Mall‘s common areas is what the Company has called a “no solicitation” policy. With this policy, the Company purports strictly to prohibit controversial or political activities, the distribution of leaflets and handbills, and/or solicitation of any kind. Petitioners sought but were denied permission to distribute political leaflets within the common areas of the Mall. The Company relies on the City‘s trespass ordinance to enforce its policy.
In practice, however, the policy has not barred a variety of public entities and private groups from taking advantage of the common areas to communicate their messages. On the contrary, the Company has spent several thousand dollars each year to promote these activities. The Jefferson
There are links between the Company and several governmental entities and public monies. The City operates, rent-free, a police substation with a desk and a holding area in the Mall. From this substation, City police officers respond to complaints originating anywhere in the City. The Mall occupies a prominent location in the City across the street from the City Hall. Although the Company employs a private security service, two to four City police officers patrol the Mall during public hours. In addition, certain street and drainage improvements valued at over two million dollars were acquired by the City from the Company. This purchase was financed under the City‘s bond authority.
II.
We preface our analysis by re-affirming the high rank which free speech holds in the constellation of freedoms guaranteed by both the
A.
Concurring in Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357, 375, 47 S.Ct. 641, 648, 71 L.Ed. 1095 (1927),2 Justice Brandeis wrote a most eloquent defense of the freedom of speech and press:
Those who won our independence ... believed that freedom to think as you will and to speak as you think are means indispensable to the discovery and spread of political truth; ... that the greatest menace to freedom is an inert people; that public discussion is a political duty; and that this should be a fundamental principle of the American Government.
The role of free speech was re-emphasized in Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U.S. 501, 66 S.Ct. 276, 90 L.Ed. 265 (1946), where the United States Supreme Court held that a state could not punish a person for distributing religious pamphlets on the sidewalk of a company town contrary to the company‘s regulations. In striking the balance with other constitutional rights, the Marsh Court was unequivocal:
When we balance the Constitutional rights of owners of property against those of the people to enjoy freedom of press and religion, as we must here, we remain mindful of the fact that the latter occupy a preferred position.
Marsh, 326 U.S. at 509, 66 S.Ct. at 280. The right to speak and to publish under the
B.
In People v. Vaughan, 183 Colo. 40, 49, 514 P.2d 1318, 1323 (1973), we declared unconstitutional a statute criminalizing the mutilation, defacement or defilement of the American flag. The state‘s interests in preserving the symbols of democracy and/or setting the appropriate limits of dissent, while undeniably important, were insufficient to preserve the statute “[b]ecause of the preferred position of freedom of speech in the United States Constitution.” Id. This is so even though the
In contrast,
No law shall be passed impairing the freedom of speech; every person shall be free to speak, write or publish whatever he will on any subject, being responsible for all abuse of that liberty; and in all suits and prosecutions for libel the truth thereof may be given in evidence, and the jury, under the direction of the court, shall determine the law and fact.
III.
Consistent with the
A.
In PruneYard Shopping Center v. Robins, 447 U.S. 74, 81, 100 S.Ct. 2035, 2040-41 (1980), the United States Supreme Court explicitly acknowledged each State‘s “sovereign right to adopt in its own Constitution individual liberties more expansive than those conferred by the Federal Constitution.” 447 U.S. at 81, 100 S.Ct. at 2040-41.5 In our discussion above, we have highlighted the second clause of
The PruneYard Court affirmed the California Supreme Court‘s holding that the California Constitution protected the right of individuals to solicit signatures in opposition to a United Nations resolution in the court-yard of a privately-owned shopping center. In PruneYard, the Court rejected the argument that Lloyd, 407 U.S. 551, 92 S.Ct. 2219,6 stood for the proposition that a state is prevented “from requiring a private shopping center owner to provide access to persons exercising their constitutional rights of free speech and petition when alternative avenues of communication [were] available.” 447 U.S. at 80, 100 S.Ct. at 2040. This means that, by its constitution, a state may afford individuals the right of speech and petition in commercial and retail centers otherwise privately owned. The
B.
Colorado‘s tradition of ensuring a broader liberty of speech is long. For more than a century, this Court has held that
Earlier in this opinion, we noted Cooper‘s recognition of the dual guarantee in
we must find not only that the obscenity standards of the statute, as construed under the First Amendment, are met, but also that there has been some abuse of freedom of speech, as envisioned under the broader protective standard of Article II, Section 10 of the Colorado Constitution.
185 Colo. at 89, 521 P.2d at 1245-46.
This more stringent scrutiny of free speech issues under
IV.
Petitioners argue that
Where governmental entities or public monies are shown by the facts to subsidize, approve of, or encourage private interests and such private interests happen also to restrict the liberty to speak and to dissent, this court may find that such private restrictions run afoul of the protective scope of
A.
Our determination of the form or degree of governmental involvement present in a particular case must be based on the “framework of the peculiar facts or circumstances present.” Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority, 365 U.S. 715, 726, 81 S.Ct. 856, 862, 6 L.Ed.2d 45 (1961). “Only by sifting facts and weighing circumstances can the nonobvious involvement of
Considering all the facts and circumstances underlying the Mall‘s operation with the preferred liberty of speech in mind, we conclude that there was governmental involvement in this case, most assuredly triggering the protections of
B.
Our finding that governmental involvement exists here is not based on any single factor. Nevertheless, we find significant the City‘s two million dollar purchase, financed through the sale of municipal bonds, of improvements which the Company made to adjacent streets and drainage systems. It is now common for governmental entities to compete, by providing financial subsidies or inducements, to attract private business so as to reap the benefits of an increased tax base. Economic necessity, however, cannot provide the cover for government-supported infringements of speech.
Also significant is the fact that the City operates a police substation in the Mall from which the police respond to complaints throughout the City. The Company provides the space rent free to the City and, in effect, the Mall thus provides a municipal service. The presence of the substation in the Mall conveys the impression that the City participates, either symbolically or actually, in what are in effect content-based restrictions of speech by the Company. That two to four City police officers routinely patrol the common areas of the Mall does nothing to dispel that impression. The enforcement of the Mall‘s “no solicitation” policy through the City‘s trespass ordinance, possibly by those same officers patrolling the Mall, transforms the impression into experience. Thus, there is an ongoing mutual subsidization between the Company and the City. The necessity of keeping the peace likewise cannot camouflage government-aided suppression of non-violent political speech.8
Finally, there is a highly visible governmental presence in the Mall. The Army, Navy and the Marine Corps maintain recruiting offices in the Mall. The Jefferson County Clerk conducts voter registration drives in the Mall, reminding citizens of their political duties. In sum, the financial participation of the City in the Mall‘s progress, the arrangements with the City police substation, and the active presence of other governmental agencies in the common areas of the Mall, constitute governmental involvement in the operation of the Mall.
C.
We are also persuaded that the Mall functions as the equivalent of a downtown business district. As we noted, the Mall is a vast market, now extending over 100 acres. The 130 commercial and retail establishments situated in the Mall are accessible via more than 130,000 square feet of open, common areas, walks and concourses. Walking through or sitting in these open areas each year are many thousands of the public who otherwise engage, no doubt, in conversations on all subjects, including the political. Thus, the historical connection between the marketplace of ideas and the market for goods and services is not severed because goods and services today are bought and sold within the confines of a modern mall. To conclude otherwise would be to allow the vagaries of contemporary urban architecture and planning, or the lack thereof, to prevail over our valued tradition of free speech.9
The range of activities permitted in the common areas of the Mall also indicates the extent to which the Mall effectively functions as a latter-day public forum. The Company allows a variety of groups access to the visiting public through the use of the common areas of the Mall. We have noted that, for example, the Salvation Army solicits donations from the public strolling the Mall. The expressive conduct of artists and dancers has been allowed. Religious expression has not been denied. The common areas are used by a market research firm to survey the public‘s likes and dislikes. Surely the Mall‘s theatre has exhibited films of politically controversial content, sparking lively debates among the Mall‘s patrons.10 The Company‘s prohibition of petitioners’ non-violent political speech, if allowed to stand, would amount therefore to a non-neutral, content-based restriction. Given that other groups effectively express themselves in the Mall‘s common areas, those open areas can easily accommodate petitioners’ exercise of their liberty of speech. Under these circumstances, the common areas function as virtual public spaces.
We emphasize that there has been no showing that petitioners’ activities will adversely affect the Mall‘s business operations. Petitioners’ chosen mode of speech, distributing leaflets and collecting signed pledges, is well within the mainstream. The content of their speech is classically political. In addition, the size of the Mall, the number of visitors the Mall receives, plus the already extensive use of the common areas of the Mall by other individuals and groups, demonstrate that petitioners’ activities can be conducted without interfering with the Mall‘s normal operations and therefore will not affect the Company‘s property rights. See PruneYard, 23 Cal.3d at 909-12, 592 P.2d at 347-48, 153 Cal.Rptr. at 860-61 (aff‘d, S.Ct. 2035” court=“U.S.” type=“id“>447 U.S. 74, 100 S.Ct. 2035) (“[W]e do not have under consideration the property or privacy rights of an individual homeowner or the proprietor of a modest retail establishment.“). Further, the Company is free to impose reasonable time, place and manner restrictions on the conduct of petitioners’ activity, similar to those imposed on the other activities which it has permitted in the past.
V.
For these reasons, we reverse the judgment of the court of appeals affirming the district court‘s denial of petitioners’ request to speak freely and solicit signatures in the Mall. The cause is remanded with directions to enter summary judgment for petitioners.
ERICKSON, J., dissents, and ROVIRA, C.J., and VOLLACK, J., join in the dissent.
Justice ERICKSON respectfully dissenting:
Certiorari was granted to review Bock v. Westminster Mall Co., 797 P.2d 797 (Colo. App. 1990), on the following issue: “Whether
I
Westminster Mall opened for business in 1977. Respondent Westminster Mall Company (mall) derives its profit from leasing space to mall stores and taking a percentage of gross sales from the stores. The common areas of the mall, including the interior corridors connecting the stores, are privately owned by the mall. Mall security is provided by a private security firm and a few Westminster police officers who patrol the mall during business hours. Since March 1987, the City of Westminster (Westminster) has operated a small police substation to respond to citizen complaints. As part of an expansion project, the mall made various street and drainage improvements that were later paid for by Westminster with funds obtained from municipal bonds.
The mall maintains a policy prohibiting the solicitation of shoppers and the distribution of leaflets and handbills. In addition, the mall has instituted a permit procedure for noncommercial activities whereby it evaluates each application by various factors, including the kind of activity and its purpose, the number of participants, the risk of injury, and the risk of unreasonable interference with mall tenants. Under this procedure, the mall has approved certain community and charitable activities, including an antique car show, a rare breed dog show, a Jefferson County voter registration drive, a Salvation Army Christmas fund drive, a salute to law enforcement and the armed forces, and a Boy Scout pine wood derby.
In July 1988, petitioners Nelson Bock and Patricia Lawless-Avelar, members of The Pledge of Resistance, sought permission to hand out literature and solicit signatures for the following pledge:
If the U.S. invades, bombs, sends combat troops, or otherwise significantly escalates its intervention in Nicaragua or El Salvador, I pledge to join others in nonviolent public protest at U.S. federal facilities and other appropriate places in order to prevent or halt further death and destruction in Central America.
II
The first two clauses of
We have recently held that the purpose of
Our cases have not explored the degree of involvement required to turn a private actor into a state actor for the purposes of
It is, of course, a commonplace that the constitutional guarantee of free speech is a guarantee only against abridgment by government, federal or state. See Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc. v. Democratic National Comm., 412 U.S. 94, 93 S.Ct. 2080, 36 L.Ed.2d 772 [1973]. Thus, while statutory or common law may in some situations extend protection or provide redress against a private corporation or person who seeks to abridge the free expression of others, no such protection or redress is provided by the Constitution itself.
Hudgens v. NLRB, 424 U.S. 507, 513, 96 S.Ct. 1029, 1033 (1976). Hudgens reviewed the relevant cases relating to whether a shopping center fell under the “company town exception” to the state action doctrine. The Court first recognized that there was an exception to the state action requirement in its first amendment jurisprudence in Marsh v. Alabama, 326 U.S. 501, 502, 66 S.Ct. 276, 277 (1946), where it defined a company town as a privately owned area having “all the characteristics of any other American town.” Over the vigorous dissent of Marsh‘s author, Justice Black, the Court in Amalgamated Food Employees Union v. Logan Valley Plaza, 391 U.S. 308, 318, 88 S.Ct. 1601, 1608 (1968), extended the company town doctrine to a shopping center by stating that a shopping center was the “functional equivalent” of the business district of a company town. Justice Black felt that the majority had misunderstood the essential elements of a company town:
But Marsh was never intended to apply to this kind of situation. Marsh dealt with the very special situation of a company-owned town, complete with streets, alleys, sewers, stores, residences, and everything else that goes to make a town.... I can find very little resemblance between the shopping center involved in this case and Chickasaw, Alabama. There are no homes, there is no sewage disposal plant, there is not even a post office on this private property which the Court now considers the equivalent of a “town.”
....
The question is, Under what circumstances can private property be treated as though it were public? The answer that Marsh gives is when that property has taken on all the attributes of a town, i.e., “residential building, streets, a system of sewers, a sewage disposal plant and a ‘business block’ on which business places are situated.” 326 U.S., at 502, 66 S.Ct. at 277. I can find nothing in Marsh which indicates that if one of these features is present, e.g., “a business district, this is sufficient for the Court to confiscate a part of an owner‘s private property and give its use to people who want to picket on it.”
....
To hold that store owners are compelled by law to supply picketing areas for pickets to drive store customers away is to create a court-made law wholly disregarding the constitutional basis on which private ownership of property rests in this country.
Hudgens, 424 U.S. at 516-17, 96 S.Ct. at 1034-35 (quoting Logan Valley, 391 U.S. at 330-33, 88 S.Ct. at 1614-16 (Black, J., dissenting)) (footnotes and citations omitted).
The Supreme Court reached a different conclusion from that in Logan Valley in the later case of Lloyd Corp. v. Tanner, 407 U.S. 551, 92 S.Ct. 2219 (1972). The facts at issue in Lloyd are similar to the case before this court. Lloyd involved an attempt, in 1968, by five persons to distribute, in a Portland, Oregon, shopping center, handbills protesting the involvement of the United States in Vietnam. Security guards asked the handbillers to leave. They complied and subsequently brought suit. The Supreme Court reversed the Ninth Circuit‘s affirmance of the trial court‘s ruling that the Constitution protected the distribution of handbills at a shopping center. After noting that “it must be remembered that the First and Fourteenth Amendments safeguard the rights of free
Respondents contend ... that the property of a large shopping center is “open to the public,” serves the same purposes as a “business district” of a municipality, and therefore has been dedicated to certain types of public use. The argument is that such a center has sidewalks, streets, and parking area which are functionally similar to facilities customarily provided by municipalities. It is then asserted that all members of the public, whether invited as customers or not, have the same right of free speech as they would have on the similar public facilities in the streets of a city or town.
The argument reaches too far. The Constitution by no means requires such an attenuated doctrine of dedication of private property to public use. The closest decision in theory, Marsh v. Alabama, supra, involved the assumption by a private enterprise of all of the attributes of a state-created municipality and the exercise by that enterprise of semi-official municipal functions as a delegate of the State. In effect, the owner of the company town was performing the full spectrum of municipal powers and stood in the shoes of the State. In the instant case there is no comparable assumption or exercise of municipal power.
Hudgens, 424 U.S. at 519, 96 S.Ct. at 1036 (quoting Lloyd, 407 U.S. at 568-69, 92 S.Ct. at 2228-29). The Supreme Court explicitly stated in Hudgens that Lloyd overruled the rationale in Logan Valley. Id. at 518, 96 S.Ct. at 1035-36.
The import of the thorough and exhaustive review of cases in Hudgens is that, although there still exists a company-town exception to the federal free speech state action requirement, a shopping center does not come under this exception. Therefore, a shopping center is outside the safeguards framed in the first amendment. This, I believe, is the proper approach to the interpretation of the Colorado Constitution in the case before us. The Westminster Mall, as a private shopping center, is not within the ambit of
III
The majority has taken a different tack to this case. Although it does not directly address whether there is a state action requirement inherent in the free speech clauses of
The fundamental issue in the Supreme Court‘s state action calculus is the degree of state involvement. “As a general matter the protections of the Fourteenth Amendment do not extend to ‘private conduct abridging individual rights.‘” National Collegiate Athletic Ass‘n v. Tarkanian, 488 U.S. 179, 190-91, 109 S.Ct. 454, 461, 102 L.Ed.2d 469 (1988) (quoting Burton, 365 U.S. at 722, 81 S.Ct. at 860). The Court framed the issue in the following manner:
In the typical case raising a state action issue, a private party has taken the decisive step that caused the harm to the plaintiff, and the question is whether the State was sufficiently involved to treat that decisive conduct as state action.... Thus in the usual case we ask whether the State provided a mantle of authority that enhanced the power of the harm-causing individual actor.
The Court found state action on the part of a private party exercising a peremptory challenge in Edmonson v. Leesville Concrete Co. In Edmonson, the Court used a two-part test to evaluate state action: “[F]irst[,] whether the claimed constitutional deprivation resulted from the exercise of a right or privilege having its source in state authority; and second, whether the private party charged with the deprivation could be described in all fairness as a state actor.” U.S. at —, 111 S.Ct. at 2082-83 (citing Lugar v. Edmondson Oil Co., 457 U.S. 922, 102 S.Ct. 2744, 73 L.Ed.2d 482 (1982)) (citations omitted). The first prong was satisfied because the peremptory challenges at issue in Edmonson were exercised pursuant to a federal statute. The second test—whether a private party could fairly be deemed a state actor—was based on three factors: “[1] the extent to which the actor relies on governmental assistance and benefits; [2] whether the actor is performing a traditional governmental function; and [3] whether the injury caused is aggravated in a unique way by the incidents of governmental authority.” Id. at —, 111 S.Ct. at 2083 (citations omitted). Since peremptory challenges cannot exist without the overt and significant participation of the government, the Court held that the second prong was also satisfied. Id. at —, 111 S.Ct. at 2083-84.
The question before this court is not whether “governmental entities or public moneys are shown ... to subsidize, approve of, or encourage private interests.” See maj. op. at 60. Rather, we must determine whether this subsidization, approval, or encouragement rises to a significant level, transforming the act of a private entity into that of the state. On the record before us, I believe the state has not sufficiently clothed the mall in a mantle of state authority.
While I agree with the majority that a determination of state action must be made on a case by case basis, see maj. op. at 60, the type of governmental involvement triggering such a determination must be narrowly construed. As the Supreme Court has said,
although the factual setting of each case will be significant, our precedents indicate that a State normally can be held responsible for a private decision only when it has exercised coercive power or has provided such significant encouragement, either overt or covert, that the choice must in law be deemed to be that of the State.
Blum v. Yaretsky, 457 U.S. 991, 1004, 102 S.Ct. 2777, 73 L.Ed.2d 534 (1982) (emphasis added). The same analysis should be used to impute state action to a private party.
In Yaretsky, the court of appeals held that state action was present when medical discharge decisions were made by physicians and nursing homes because New York adjusted the patient‘s Medicaid benefits accordingly. The Supreme Court rejected this characterization, reasoning:
That the State responds to such actions by adjusting benefits does not render it responsible for those actions. The decisions about which respondents complain are made by physicians and nursing home administrators, all of whom are concededly private parties. There is no suggestion that those decisions were influenced in any degree by the State‘s obligation to adjust benefits....
Id. Simple action by the state in accordance with the alleged constitutional violation is, therefore, insufficient to turn the actions of a private party into state actions. There must be a nexus between the coercion or encouragement taken by the state and the action that is the subject of the complaint.
The factual setting of Burton v. Wilmington Parking Authority is instructive in evaluating the degree of state involve-
Such is not the case here. Westminster Mall was built by private funds and has never been held out as a public building. Apparently, the majority believes a private facility becomes public if it is “develop[ed] and operat[ed] in a manner such that it performs a virtual public function.” Maj. op. at 60. Such a rule would impose state action based solely upon the use of a facility rather than the actions of the government. As a result, private businesses would become state actors whenever their activities seem “public” to a court of law. This conflicts with the stricter requirement of coercive power or significant encouragement in Yaretsky.
Furthermore, the mall fails both prongs of the Edmonson test. First, there is no specific statutory authority, other than trespass laws, for the mall‘s refusal of petitioners’ application to distribute leaflets. Second, the mall cannot fairly be described as a state actor. Even though the mall has obtained some governmental assistance in the form of street and drainage improvements and the provision of police officers to patrol the mall, there is nothing in the record to suggest that the mall relies on this assistance. More significantly, the mall neither performs a traditional governmental function nor was petitioners’ injury aggravated by the incidents of state authority. Unlike the peremptory challenges at issue in Edmonson, the mall can exist without the overt and significant participation of government. Thus, on balance, the mall fails the second part of Edmonson.
At the heart of the United States Supreme Court reasoning is the long held fact that “[i]ndividual invasion of individual rights is not the subject-matter of the [fourteenth] amendment,’ ... and that private conduct abridging individual rights does no violence to the Equal Protection Clause unless to some significant extent the State in any of its manifestations has been found to have become involved in it.” Burton, 365 U.S. at 722, 81 S.Ct. at 860 (quoting the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 3 S.Ct. 18, 27 L.Ed. 835 (1883)). I believe the same reasoning applies to
IV
The record presents no facts showing that Westminster exercised its power over the mall when the mall made its decision to reject the petitioners’ permit application. There are, on the other hand, a few facts that might raise the issue of whether Westminster significantly encouraged the mall in a manner that could convert the mall into a state actor.
First, after the mall made street and drainage improvements, Westminster paid for these improvements with municipal bonds. This, however, shows a general, rather than a significant, encouragement of economic development in Westminster. It is noteworthy that these civic improvements benefitted the city as well as the mall. I would not hold that mere encouragement of private enterprise through subsidization or tax breaks turns a business into a state actor. Moreover, there is no nexus between the street and drainage projects and the mall‘s alleged deprivation of speech rights.
Second, Westminster has a police station in the mall and provides police officers to patrol the mall during business hours.
Finally, the mall allowed a Jefferson County voter registration drive. By using county action in addition to city action to reach its conclusion of state action on the part of the mall, see maj. op. at 62, the majority blurs the line of just what “state” is acting. Under this analysis, one could throw Colorado and federal connections into the same mix. This lack of specificity in applying the state action doctrine would create an unwarranted and undesirable expansion of the law.
Because the record is void of any evidence showing a nexus between Westminster‘s actions and those listed in the petitioners’ complaint, the mall‘s actions belong to it alone as a private party and are not converted to those of the state. Accordingly, the free speech clauses of the Colorado Constitution do not reach the acts of the mall, and summary judgment in its favor was proper.
ROVIRA, C.J., and VOLLACK, J., join in this dissent.
Justice ERICKSON
SUPREME COURT OF COLORADO
Notes
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
