Lead Opinion
delivered the opinion of the Court.
We are asked once again to mark the boundaries of state sovereign immunity from suit in federal court. The Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit found that immunity did not extend to suits by Indian tribes, and Alaska seeks review of that determination.
I
In 1980, Alaska enacted a revenue-sharing statute that provided annual payments of $25,000 to each “Native village government” located in a community without a state-chartered
The legislature repealed the revenue-sharing statute in 1985, see 1985 Alaska Sess. Laws, ch. 90, and replaced it with one that matched the program as expanded by the commissioner. In the same year, respondents filed this suit, challenging the commissioner’s action on federal equal protection grounds, and seeking an order requiring the commissioner to pay them the money that they would have received had the commissioner not enlarged the program. The District Court initially granted an injunction to preserve sufficient funds for the 1986 fiscal year, but then dismissed the suit as violating the Eleventh Amendment. The Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed, first on the ground that 28 U. S. C. § 1362 constituted a congressional abrogation of Eleventh Amendment immunity, Native Village of Noatak v. Hoffman,
The Eleventh Amendment provides as follows:
“The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.”
Despite the narrowness of its terms, since Hans v. Louisiana,
Respondents do not ask us to revisit Hans; instead they argue that the traditional principles of immunity presumed by Hans do not apply to suits by sovereigns like Indian tribes. And even if they did, respondents contend, the States have consented to suits by tribes in the “plan of the convention.” We consider these points in turn.
In arguing thаt sovereign immunity does not restrict suit by Indian tribes, respondents submit, first, that sovereign
In Monaco, the Principality had come into possession of Mississippi state bonds, and had sued Mississippi in federal court to recover amounts due under those bonds. Mississippi defended on grounds of the Eleventh Amendment, among others. Had respondents’ understanding of sovereign immunity been the Court’s, the Eleventh Amendment would not have limited the otherwise clear grant of jurisdic
“Manifestly, we cannot rest with a mere literal application of the words of §2 of Article III, or assume that the letter of the Eleventh Amendment exhausts the restrictions upon suits against non-consenting States. Behind the words of the constitutional provisions are postulates which limit and control. . . . There is . . . the postulate that States of the Union, still possessing attributes of sovereignty, shall be immune from suits, without their consent, save where there has been a ‘surrender of this immunity in the plan of the convention.’ The Federalist, No. 81.” Monaco, supra, at 322-323 (footnote omitted).
Our clear assumption in Monaco was that sovereign immunity extends against both individuals and sovereigns, so that there must be found inherent in the plan of the convention a surrender by the States of immunity as to either. Because we perceived in the plan “no ground upon which it can be said that any waiver or consent by a State of the Union has run in favor of a foreign State,” id., at 330, we concluded that foreign states were still subjeсt to the immunity of the States.
We pursue the same inquiry in the present case, and thus confront respondents’ second contention: that the States waived their immunity against Indian tribes when they adopted the Constitution. Just as in Monaco with regard to foreign sovereigns, so also here with regard to Indian tribes, there is no compelling evidence that the Founders thought such a surrender inherent in the constitutional compact.
Respondents argue that Indian tribes are more like States than foreign sovereigns. That is true in some respects: They are, for example, domestic. The relevant difference between States and foreign sovereigns, however, is not domesticity, but the role of each in the convention within which the surrender of immunity was for the former, but not for the latter, implicit. What makes the States’ surrender of immunity from suit by sister States plausible is the mutuality of that concession. There is no such mutuality with either foreign sovereigns or Indian tribes. We have repeatеdly held that Indian tribes enjoy immunity against suits by States, Potawatomi Tribe, supra, at 509, as it would be absurd to suggest that the tribes surrendered immunity in a convention to which they were not even parties. But if the convention could not surrender the tribes’ immunity for the benefit of the States, we do not believe that it surrendered the States’ immunity for the benefit of the tribes.
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Respondents argue that, if the Eleventh Amendment operates to bar suits by Indian tribes against States without their
A
In United States v. Minnesota,
Section 1362 provides as follows:
“The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions, brought by any Indian tribe or band with a governing body duly rеcognized by the Secretary of the Interior, wherein the matter in controversy arises under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States.”
What is striking about this most unremarkable statute is its similarity to any number of other grants of jurisdiction to district courts to hear federal-question claims. Compare it, for example, with § 1331(a) as it existed at the time § 1362 was enacted:
“The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions wherein the matter in controversy exceeds the sum or value of $10,000 exclusive of interest and costs, and arises under the Constitution, laws, or*784 treaties of the United States.” 28 U. S. C. § 1331(a) (1964 ed.).
Considering the text of § 1362 in the context of its enactment, one might well conclude that its sole purpose was to eliminate any jurisdictional minimum for “arising under” claims brought by Indian tribes. Tribes already had access to federal courts for “arising under” claims under § 1331, where the amount in controversy was greater than $10,000; for all that appears from its text, § 1362 merely extends that jurisdiction to claims below that minimum. Such a reading, moreover, finds support in the very title of the Act that adopted § 1362: “To amend the Judicial Code to permit Indian tribes to maintain civil actions in Federal district courts without regard to the $10,000 limitation, and for other purposes.” 80 Stat. 880.
Moe, however, found something mоre in the title’s “other purposes” — an implication that “a tribe’s access to federal court to litigate [federal-question cases] would be at least in some respects as broad as that of the United States suing as the tribe’s trustee,”
Moreover, as we shall discuss in Part III-B, our cases require Congress’ exercise of the power to abrogate state sovereign immunity, where it exists, to be exercised with unmistakeable clarity. To avoid that difficulty, respondents assert that § 1362 represents not an abrogation of the States’ sovereign immunity, but rather a delegation to tribes of the Federal Government’s exemption from state sovereign immunity. We doubt, to begin with, that that sovereign exemption can be delegated — even if one limits the permissibility of delegation (as respondents propose) to persons on whose behalf the United States itself might sue. The consent, “inherent in the convention,” to suit by the United States — at the instance and under the control of responsible federal officers — is not consent to suit by anyone whom the United States might select; and even consent to suit by the United States for a particular person’s benefit is not consent to suit by that person himself.
But in any event, assuming that delegation of exemption from state sovereign immunity is theoretically possible, there is no reason to believe that Congress ever contemplated such
B
Finally, respondents ask us to recognize § 1362 as a congressional abrogation of Eleventh Amendment immunity. We have repeatedly said that this power to abrogate can only be exercised by a clear legislative statement. As we said in Dellmuth v. Muth,
“To temper Congress’ acknowledged powers of abrogation with due concern for the Eleventh Amendment’s role as an essential component of our constitutional structure, we have applied a simple but stringent test: ‘Congress may abrogate the States’ constitutionally secured immunity from suit in federal court only by making its intention unmistakably cleаr in the language of the statute.’” Id., at 227-228.
We agree with petitioner that § 1362 does not reflect an “unmistakably clear” intent to abrogate immunity, made plain “in the language of the statute.” As we have already noted, the text is no more specific than § 1331, the grant of general federal-question jurisdiction to district courts, and no one contends that § 1331 suffices to abrogate immunity for all federal questions.
We shall assume for the sake of argument (though we by no means accept) that Congress must be presumed to have had as relatively obscure a decision as Parden in mind as a backdrop to all its legislation. But even if Congress were aware of Parden’s minimal clarity requirement, nothing in Parden could lead Congress to presume that that requirement applied to the abrogation of state immunity. Parden itself neither mentioned nor was premised upon abrogation. Its theory was that, by entering a field of economic activity that is federally regulated, the State impliedly “consent[s]” to be
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Finally, respondents argue that even if the Eleventh Amendment bars their claims for damages, they still seek in-junctive relief, which the Eleventh Amendment would not bar. The Court of Appeals, of course, did not address this point, and we leave it for that court’s initial consideration on remand.
The judgment of the Court of Appeals is reversed, and the ease is remanded for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
Notes
As Alexander Hamilton said: “It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty, not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent.” The Federalist No. 81, pp. 548-549 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) (emphasis added and deleted). James Madison expressed a similar understanding at the Virginia Convention (“It is not in the power of individuals to call аny state into court”), 3 J. Elliot, The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution 533 (2d ed. 1863) (emphasis added), as did Chief Justice Marshall (“[A]n individual cannot proceed to obtain judgment against a state, though he may be sued by a state”), id., at 555-556 (emphasis added). In United States v. Texas,
The only evidence alluded tо by respondents is a statement by President Washington to Chief Cornplanter of the Seneca Nation:
“Here, then, is the security for the remainder of your lands. No State, nor person, can purchase your lands, unless at some public treaty, held under the authority of the United States.
*782 “If . . . you have any just cause of complaint against [a purchaser], and can make satisfactory proof thereof, the federal courts will be open to you for redress, as to all other persons.” 4 American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. 1, p. 142 (1832). But of course, denying Indian tribes the right to sue States in federal court does not disadvantage them in relation to “all other persons.” Respondents are asking for access more favorable than that which others enjoy.
Such injunction suits can only be brought against state officers in their official capacity and not against the State in its own name. Missouri v. Fiske,
In asserting that § 1362’s grant of jurisdiction to “all civil actions” suffices to abrogate a State’s defense of immunity, post, at 795-796, the dis
Because we find that § 1362 does not enable tribes to overcome Alaska’s sovereign immunity, we express no view on whether these respondents qualify as “tribes” within the meaning of that statute.
Dissenting Opinion
with whom Justice Marshall and Justice Stevens join, dissenting.
The Court today holds that our Eleventh Amendment precludes Native American tribes from seeking to vindicate in
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As some of us previously have stated, see Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon,
The substantial historical analysis that supports this view already has been exhaustively detailed, see id., at 258-302 (Brennan, J., joined by Marshall, Blackmun, and Stevens, JJ., dissenting); Welch v. Texas Dept. of Highways and Public Transportation,
II
Even assuming that the State at one time may have possessed immunity against tribal suits, that immunity was abrogated by Congress when, in 1966, 80 Stat. 880, it enacted 28 U. S. C. §1362. The majority rejects this argument, holding that § 1362 cannot authorize respondents’ suit because the statute’s language does not reflect an “unmistakably clear” intent to abrogate the States’ sovereign immunity. Ante, at 786. I have never accepted the validity of that so-called “clear-statement rule” and I remain of the view, expressed by Justice Brennan for four of us in Atasca-dero, that such “special rules of statutory drafting are not justified (nor are they justifiable) as efforts to determine the genuine intent of Congress .... [T]he special rules are designed as hurdles to keep the disfavored suits out of the federal courts.”
Even if I were to accept the proposition that the clear-statement rule at times might serve as a mechanism for discerning congressional intent, I surely would reject its application here. Despite the Court’s attempt to give it a constitutional cast, the clear-statement rule, at bottom, is a tool of statutory construction like any other. So it must be, for the Judiciary has no power to redraw legislative enactments; where Congress has the authority to regulate a sphere of activity, we simply must do our best to determine whether it has done so in any particular instance. The majority’s rule is one method for accomplishing that task. It is premised on the perception that Congress does not casually alter the “balance of power” between the Federal Government and the States. Id., at 242. Because federal intrusion into state authority is the unusual case, and because courts are to use cаution in determining when their own jurisdiction
Whatever the validity of that determination may be generally, it cannot extend to matters concerning federal regulation of Native American affairs; in that sphere of governmental operations, the “balance of power” always has weighed heavily against the States and in favor of the Federal Government. Indeed, “[t]he plenary power of Congress to deal with the special problems of Indians is drawn both explicitly and implicitly from the Constitution itself.” Morton v. Mancari,
Illustrative of this principle are our cases holding that the law of the State is generally inapplicable to Native American affairs, absent the consent of Congress. See, e. g., Worcester v. Georgia,
“is a distinct community, occupying its own territory, with boundaries accurately described, in which the laws of [the State] can have no force, and which the citizens of [the State] have no right to enter, but with the assent of the [tribes] themselves, or in conformity with treaties, and with the acts of Congress. The whole intercourse between the United States and this nation, is, by our Constitution and laws, vested in the government of the United States.” Id., at 561.
Despite the Statеs’ undeniable interest in regulating activities within its borders, and despite traditional principles of federalism, the States’ authority has been largely displaced in matters pertaining to Native Americans. See The Kansas Indians,
Thus, in this area, the pertinent “balance of power” is between the Federal Government and the tribes, with the States playing only a subsidiary role. Because spheres of activity otherwise susceptible to state regulation are, “according to the settled principles of our Constitution, . . . committed exclusively to the government of the Union,” Worcester v. Georgia,
Employing the traditional tools of statutory interpretation, I conclude that Congress intended, through § 1362, to authorize constitutional claims for damages by tribes against the States. Section 1362 provides:
“The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions, brought by any Indian tribe or band with a governing body duly recognized by the Secretary of the Interior, wherein the matter in controversy arises under the Constitution; laws, or treaties of the United States.” (Emphasis added.)
The majority notes, correctly, that this language is no broader thаn that of 28 U. S. C. § 1331(a), as it existed at the time § 1362 was enacted. Ante, at 784. As the preceding discussion makes clear, however, this is an area in which “a page of history is worth a volume of logic.” New York Trust Co. v. Eisner,
Prior to 1966, the Indian tribes were largely dependent upon the United States Government to enforce their rights against state encroachment. See, e. g., United States v. Minnesota,
In 1966, Congress enacted 28 U. S. C. § 1362 as part of a larger national policy of “self-determination” for the Native American peoples. See M. Price & R. Clinton, Law and the American Indian 86-91 (2d ed. 1983). Consistent with that policy, “Congress contemplated that §1362 would be used particularly in situations in which the United States suffered from a conflict of interest or was otherwise unable or unwilling to bring suit as trustee for the Indians.” Arizona v. San Carlos Apache Tribe,
In light of that legislative purpose, we held in Moe v. Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribes,
I agree with respondents that the litigation authority bestowed on the tribes through § 1362 also includes the right to bring federal claims against thе States for damages. The legislative history of the statute reveals Congress’ intention that the tribes bring litigation “involving issues identical to those” that would have been raised by the United States acting as trustee for the tribes. H. R. Rep. No. 2040, 89th Cong., 2d Sess., 2 (1966) (House Report).. There is no reason to believe that this authority would be limited to prospective relief in the broad range of suits brought against the States.
Fundamentally, the vindication of Native American rights has been the institutional responsibility of the Federal Government since the Republic’s founding. See, e. g., Cherokee Nation v. Georgia,
In resisting this conclusion, the majority asserts that, because the Tax Injunction Act is merely a congressional enactment while the doctrine of sovereign immunity is a constitu
“Finally, in construing this ‘admittedly ambiguous’ statute, Board of Comm’rs v. Seber, [
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Having concluded that respondents’ suit may be brought m federal court, I agree with the Court of Appeals that respondents are recognized “tribe[s] or band[s]” for purposes of § 1362, and that they have alleged a federal cause of action. Accordingly, I would affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals. I respectfully dissent from this Court’s reversal of that judgment.
The Eleventh Amendment reads: “The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.”
