Bertrand Ex Rel. Bertrand v. MaramBertrand Ex Rel. Bertrand v. Maram
Christopher Bertrand and Frank Patterson are developmentally disabled adults who want residential habilitation services under the Medicaid program in Illinois. “Residential habilitation” is a set of services provided in the applicant’s home (or another residence) by nurses and other professionals. The goal is to see that the person remains safe and healthy; it is an alternative to institutionalization for those unable to care for themselves. Illinois covers the costs of residential habilitation and similar services through its Community Integrated Living Arrangement (CILA) program, part of the state’s Home and Community-Based Services (HCBS) program.
The Secretary may by waiver provide that a State plan approved under this subchapter may include as “medical assistance” under such plan payment for part or all of the cost of home or community-based services (other than room and board) approved by the Secretary which are provided pursuant to a written plan of care to individuals with respect to whom there has been a determination that but for the provision of such services the individuals would require the level of care provided in a hospital or a nursing facility or intermediate care facility for the mentally retarded the cost of which could be reimbursed under the State plan.
Illinois applied for and received a waiver entitling it to federal reimbursement for such services provided to 10,000 people.
When Bertrand and Patterson applied for residential habilitation services, however, they were turned down. Although both Bertrand and Patterson “require the level of care provided in a hospital or a nursing facility or intermediate care facility for the mentally retarded”, and each already received some services under the HCBS program, each was told that he did not satisfy the state’s “priority population criteria” for residential habilitation under the CILA sub-program. These are the criteria:
(1) individuals who are in crisis situations (e.g., including but not limited to, persons who have lost their caregivers, persons who are in abusive or neglectful situations); (2) individuals who are wards of the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services and are approaching the age of 22 and individuals who are aging out of children’s residential services funded by the Office of Developmental Disabilities; (3) individuals who reside in State-Operated Developmental Centers; (4) Bogará class members, i.e., certain individuals with developmental disabilities who currently reside in a nursing facility; (5) individuals with mental retardation who reside in State-Operated Mental Health Hospitals; (6) individuals with aging caregivers; and (7) individuals who reside in private ICFs/MR or ICFs/DD.
Those not on the list cannot be reimbursed for residential habilitation even if medical providers are willing to offer that service at a price Illinois is willing to pay. Bertrand applied for reconsideration, arguing (via his parents as next friends) that he comes within category (6). He lives with his parents, both of whom are nearing retirement. The state reversed its decision; Bertrand has been receiving residential habilitation services at state expense since May 24, 2005. But Patterson remains outside the CILA sub-program.
Plaintiffs maintain that the state’s administration of its HCBS program violates
Illinois argued that Bertrand’s claim should be dismissed as moot. The district judge disagreed, remarking that Bertrand had moved for class certification before he was accepted into the CILA program. Par
The district court mishandled the issues related to class certification. Bertrand and Patterson filed this suit seeking to represent a class.
Judge Kendall, who finally resolved plaintiffs’ claim, was assigned to the ease about a year after its commencement and is not responsible for her predecessor’s failure to make an “early” decision about the class. That the subject may have fallen between stools is unfortunate, however. Prompt decision is essential, as Bertrand’s situation shows.
Board of School Commissioners of Indianapolis v. Jacobs,
Apparently the district court saw class suits as opportunities for one-way intervention: if the representative plaintiff wins, then class certification extends the victory to a larger group. That was a common view before the 1966 amendments to
The district judge may have equated the precedential effect of a decision with its preclusive effect, but the two differ. Without a certified class, any other Medicaid applicant is free' to file another suit and present the same arguments; decisions of district courts do not block successive litigation by similarly situated persons. Although decisions of appellate courts have broader authority, in the absence of class certification any other applicant may start over and try to distinguish the adverse precedent. Likewise, if the first plaintiff wins and the court of appeals affirms, the agency may try to distinguish the adverse
In the event, however, no class was certified, and neither side seeks review of that decision. Bertrand’s claim therefore must be dismissed as moot. The district court noted the motion for class certification but missed the vital qualification that the suit never became a class action. In a handful of situations, exemplified by
Deposit Guaranty National Bank v. Roper,
At least two courts of appeals have held since
Gonzaga University,
however, that
What one could say in response is that none of these decisions dealt with the application of
There are three ways to keep within that limit. One is the price system, which is not possible under the Medicaid Act. The second is a queue: Everyone who wants to participate joins a line and is admitted as current participants move to some other state, are institutionalized, or die. The third is a triage device. Illinois chose the third way, through its “priority population criteria.” Patterson contends that
A cap on enrollment serves fiscal rather than medical objectives, saving money for both state and federal governments; one reason why the Secretary’s approval is necessary for these optional programs is to ensure that states don’t make commitments that cost the national government more than it is willing to spend. When legislation such as
Because the parties have not briefed the question whether
May Illinois use the priority population criteria as a triage device? Patterson insists that the answer does not matter, because when he applied there were openings among the allocated 10,000 slots in the HCBS program—and, what is more, Patterson himself occupied one of them. An earlier decision had admitted Patterson to the program, though not to the set of CILA services that he most desired. In fiscal 2004, for example, there were 138 open slots in HCBS, and in fiscal 2003 there had been 230. It does not follow from this, however, that everyone with a developmental disability should be admitted immediately. Abolish the priority population criteria and a queue would develop. People with relatively weak needs for this service would receive it just because they applied first, while others with grave needs would be put off pending an opening. The only way to ensure that slots are available for those highest on the priority list is to hold some of them open at all times. Keeping 1% or 2% (100 to 200) of the slots available seems a prudent precaution on behalf of those with the greatest need.
When asked at oral argument whether Patterson could be removed from the CILA or HCBS program, after admission, in order to free up a slot for someone with a better claim to the resources, his lawyer gave a negative answer. According to counsel, anyone provided a particular service is in for life; any comparison between the needs of those already in and those making new applications is forbidden. That would lead some people to demand entry to the HCBS program, even if they did not require its services, to ensure the availability of CILA services later should a need (or a desire) develop. If that is so, then the only sensible approach is the one Illinois has chosen. Priorities must be established, and some slots must be kept open at all times to avoid turning away people “in crisis situations” (priority 1) and other high-need applicants. This is true not only for the home and community-based services as a whole but also for each component of that umbrella category. Medicaid makes each separate component of the umbrella program the subject of a “medical need” requirement, see
Patterson does not contest the state’s assignment of priorities or contend that his needs are equivalent to those of people who meet the “priority population criteria.” His argument, as we have said, is that the state must use an unsorted queue and provide services to everyone who could get some benefit from them. Yet a queue would be problematic under
The record establishes that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), the bureau within the Department of Health and Human Services that decides whether to grant states’ applications for waiver of the Medicaid rules, knew about the criteria that Illinois proposed to use. The state’s application says point blank that “[f]or residential services, the State gives service priority to eligible per
And on that understanding the case is almost over. Another statute on which Patterson relies,
Each side invokes
Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc.,
Affirmed