Barcelo v. AgostoBarcelo v. Agosto
OPINION & ORDER
The Court has before it defendants’ motion to dismiss the complaint (docket No. 2), plaintiffs opposition (docket No. 6), and defendants’ reply (docket No. 12). The plaintiff, Carlos Romero Barceló, initiated this action to recover damages for alleged violations to his civil rights as well as for damages to his honor and reputation. The defendants, Miguel Hernández Agosto, Marco Antonio Rigau, Edgardo Pérez Viera, and their respective spouses and conjugal partnerships, deny any wrongdoing and claim that they are completely immune to all claims presented by the plaintiff pursuant to the protections afforded by the doctrine of legislative immunity. For the reasons set forth below, the motion to dismiss is hereby GRANTED.
I. Background
The facts which give rise to plaintiffs complaint are tantamount to a lesson on the modern political history of Puerto Rico. The plaintiff, Carlos Romero Barceló, has been, one of the dominant figures in Puerto Rican politics for over two decades. He was affiliated with the Statehood Republican Party (“SRP”) and has been a member of the SRP’s successor, the New Progressive Party (“NPP”), since its creation in the late 1960s. The NPP, which is one of the two principal political parties in Puerto Rico, advocates statehood for Puerto Rico. The plaintiff currently holds the position of Resident Commissioner for Puerto Rico, through which he represents the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico as a member of the United States Congress. Prior to holding this position; he served as Mayor of San Juan (1969-77), Governor of Puerto Rico (1977-85), and Senator in the Puerto Rico Legislature (1987-89).
In the summer of 1978, while the plaintiff was serving his first term as Governor, two young supporters of a radical nationalist pro-independence group were killed in a shooting incident with police officers at a mountain locale known as Cerro Maravilla. The police reported that the two men were killed while resisting arrest. However, the incident took on considerable political importance and was the subject of intense media coverage as evidence surfaced suggesting that Arnaldo Dario Rosado and Carlos Soto Arrivl were murdered after they surrendered to the police, This incident also gave rise to a host of legal actions, both in federal court and in the courts of Puerto Rico. 1 A brief review is in order.
The desire to keep the events that transpired at Cerro Maravilla secret was not limited to police officers. On October 10, 1986, an Independent Special Prosecutor filed disciplinary charges in the Puerto Rico Supreme Court for ethics violations against five different state prosecutors that participated in the initial Cerro Maravilla investigation. The complaint named the following state prosecutors: Pedro Colton Fóntán, Osvaldo Villanueva Díaz, Aurelio Miró Carrión, Angel Figueroa Vivas, and Juan E. Brunet Justiniano. The Independent Special Prosecutor charged these attorneys with improper professional conduct during the investigations of the events leading to the death of Arnaldo Dario Rosado and Carlos Soto Arri-vi. Specifically, these attorneys were accused of hindering their own investigations and ignoring evidence supporting the proposition that Dario Rosado and Soto Arrivi had been murdered. After due consideration by the Puerto Rico Supreme Court, the attorneys received severe disciplinary sanctions as the Court found that they had violated various ethical obligations during their investigation of the Cerro Maravilla murders by willfully ignoring available evidence. 3 See, In re Pedro Colton, 91 J.T.S. 24 (1991). 4
Finally, and most importantly, on January 18, 1985, various police officers present at Cerro Maravilla at the time of the incidents Angel Luis Pérez Casillas, Rafael Moreno Morales, Nelson González Cruz, Juan Bruno González, Nazario Mateo Espada, Jaime Quiles Hernández, William Colón Martinez, and Rafael Torres Marrero — were charged, among other counts, with first degree murder for the deaths of Arnaldo Dario Rosado and Carlos Soto Arrivi. Shortly thereafter, Nelson González Cruz, Juan Bruno González, Nazario Mateo Espada, Jaime Quiles Her-nández, and Rafael Torres Marrero, pled guilty to second degree murder and perjury charges. William Colón Martinez pled guilty to conspiracy to commit murder and two (2) counts of perjury. The other two defendants went to trial. On March 18, 1988, a jury found Angel Luis Pérez Casillas innocent of all charges, and Rafael Moreno Morales
As these cases demonstrate, Carlos Soto Arrivi and Arnaldo Dario Rosado were ambushed and murdered by Puerto Rico police officers. To protect themselves, the police officers involved created a conspiracy to hide the truth surrounding the murders. Furthermore, state prosecutors wilfully ignored available evidence during their investigations which, at the very least, suggested that police officers murdered Dario Rosado and Soto Arrivi. These actions by the state prosecutors allowed the police officers involved to initially succeed in their conspiracy to hide the truth. The hearings on the Cerro Mara-villa incident held by the Judiciary Committee of the Puerto Rico Senate (“the Committee”), which serve as the framework upon which the complaint is based in this case, were undoubtedly the catalyst force that unmasked the truth about the murders. A brief overview of the Committee hearings is also in order.
From 1976 through 1980, the NPP, presided by the plaintiff, enjoyed a majority in the Puerto Rico Senate. Control of the Senate then passed from 1981 through 1992 to the Popular Democratic Party (“PDP”), which advocates continued commonwealth status for Puerto Rico. In 1983, the Committee, under authorization provided by Puerto Rico Senate Resolution 91 of February 22, 1981, initiated public hearings into the events surrounding the shootings at Cerro Maravilla. The first phase of the hearings was conducted under the chairmanship of the respected and astute Senator Francisco Aponte Pérez, assisted by Investigator Héctor Rivera Cruz. After a short recess, the Committee reactivated the hearings, just prior to the elections of 1984. Defendant Marco Antonio Rigau assumed control of the Committee as its chairman on 1988, while its investigative efforts were conducted under the direction of defendant Edgardo Pérez Viera. After a dormant period which lasted from about 1986 to 1991, the hearings were renewed for a third time in October 1991, under the direction of Rigau and Pérez Viera. Complaint ¶¶ 16-19.
The essence of plaintiffs allegations in this case is that the Committee hearings were ■ devised by the defendants — who are members of the PDP — “for the purpose of destroying [the plaintiffs] association with the NPP, his political credibility, his right to associate with- a political party, his right to aspire for a political career and run for office, and his right to disassociate himself from unpopular views.” Id. ¶ 13. In particular, the plaintiff alleges that the members of the Committee “slanted and manipulated the testimony and facts” presented during the hearings to suggest that he was involved in the planning and shooting of the two youths and in subsequent efforts to cover up the event. Id. ¶ 21.
The plaintiff alleges that the defendants used the public hearings to mount political attacks against him; that the hearings were " initiated in October 1984 to interfere with his effort to be re-elected as Governor in November 1984; that they were reactivated in October-1991 to influence a referendum sponsored by the PDP ■ scheduled for December 1991 which implicated the issue of Puerto Rico’s political status; and that they were continued through May 1992 after the plaintiff .announced- his candidacy for Resident Commissioner. Id. ¶¶ 16-20.
The plaintiff further alleges that several aspects of the Committee’s procedures were violative of his rights and the rights of other witnesses. These procedures included the interviewing of witnesses in closed sessions during which they were denied the assistance of counsel, the issuing of subpoenas -without notifying all members of the Committee (particularly those members of the Committee from the NPP), the limiting of access to documents, transcripts, evidence, and reports to only PDP committee members and their aides (even after the Supreme Court of Puer-
Plaintiffs allegations are not limited to conduct directly associated with the hearings, however. He also alleges that the defendants and the rest of the PDP leadership developed a libelous campaign against him throughout the island. Id. ¶ 36. Specifically, he alleges:
Defendants have continually disseminated demeaning, false, and harmful information concerning plaintiff outside the chambers of the Legislature and its forum and beyond the scope of the proper duties and functions of the Committee, its investigative or reporting functions, through televir sion broadcasts paid by government funds, press releases and interviews provided and undertaken at the Legislature in public areas and at television studios, political speeches given to the public in various towns throughout the Island, press releases distributed to various news media sources around the Island and outside the Island of Puerto Rico, and written and oral communications to the United States Senate and Congress, government agencies, including federal department and agencies, federal executives and executives of the federal executive branch.
Id. ¶ 54. In general, the plaintiff alleges that “[t]he Committee’s conduct ... converted what would have been an otherwise valid senatorial investigative hearing into an invalid, improper, or illegal senatorial lynching of character.” Id. ¶ 59. In particular, he alleges that defendants Rigau and Miguel Her-nández Agosto, the President of the Senate, conspired to ruin his reputation, and that defendant Pérez Viera knowingly disseminated false information to the public about him. Id. ¶¶ 32, 37, 49.
The plaintiff invokes the jurisdiction of this Court based on alleged violations of his ■rights under
II. The Rule 12(b)(6) Standard
In their motion to dismiss the defendants argue not only that the plaintiff has failed to state a claim under which relief can be granted, but also that they enjoy a broad and complete immunity for all' claims presented in the complaint. The issues presented in the motion to dismiss and its opposition require us to review the scope of the Speech and Debate Clause of the Constitution, federal common law, Puerto Rico law, as well as the legislative informing function. In particular, the Court will examine how these sometimes overlapping doctrines work, and how they apply to the ease at bar. The Court will review each of these doctrines in turn.
A. Speech or Debate Clause Immunity
The United States Constitution provides, at Article I, Section 6, that “Senators and Representatives ... shall .. for any Speech or Debate in either House ... not be questioned in any other Place.” This Speech or Debate clause provides broad protection for all members of Congress. As one commentator explained:
The speech or debate clause protects Congress from two kinds of threats to its deliberative autonomy. First, it blocks attempts by executive officials to use grand jury investigations and criminal prosecutions as means of calling into question ‘the legislative acts of ... members of Congress.’ Second, and more generally, the clause insures ‘that legislators are not distracted from or hindered in the performance of their legislative tasks by being called into court to defend their actions.’
L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law § 5-18, p. 370 (2d ed. 1988) (footnotes omitted). At its core, the Clause seeks to protect legislative independence in a governmental system based on the separation of powers. Rotunda & Nowak, Treatise on Constitutional Law: Substance and Procedure § 8.6 (2d ed. 1992).
The Clause provides members of Congress with an absolute immunity which shields them from any sort of attack based on their “legislative acts” — that is, acts which are “an integral part of the deliberative and communicative process by which Members participate in committee and House proceedings with respect to the consideration and passage or rejection of proposed legislation or with respect to other matters which the Constitution places within the jurisdiction of either House.”
Gravel v. United States,
Protecting the integrity and independence of the legislature is the primary purpose of the immunity, which provides security against “possible prosecution by an unfriendly executive and conviction by a hostile judiciary.”
United States v. Johnson,
Like any privilege, the one the speech and debate clause grants Congress would be virtually worthless if courts adjudging its applicability had to scrutinize closely the acts ostensibly shielded. Judicial consideration of alleged improper motivation is thus necessarily an inappropriate mode of analysis for determining the limits of legislative immunity. Similarly, since judgments of legality or constitutionality obviously involve “questioning” of legislative acts, courts may not strip acts taken-in the legislative process of their constitutional immunity by finding that the acts are substantively illegal or unconstitutional.
Tribe, supra, at 372.
B. Common Law Immunity
The immunity provided by the Speech or Debate Clause applies, by its own terms, only to federal legislators. In the case of
Tenney v. Brandhove,
The Supreme Court has noted important differences between the concerns underlying the constitutional and the common law immunities which require more limited application of common law immunity in certain contexts. For example, the Court has held that the separation of powers concerns which underlie constitutional immunity — and which are not an aspect of the common law immunity— dictate that federal lawmakers enjoy a broader privilege than their state counterparts in federal criminal actions.
Accord United States v. Gillock,
C. Puerto Rico Immunity
The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico provides, in Article III, Section 14, that “[t]he members of the Legislative Assembly shall not be questioned in any other place for any speech, debate or vote in either House or in any committee.” The plaintiff concedes that this clause provides an independent basis on which the defendants may claim immunity. He argues, however, that based on the language of the clause as interpreted by the Puerto Rico Supreme Court, the immunity derived from Section 14 “is much more restricted than the immunity of the members of the Congress of
The legislative history behind Section 14 clearly indicates its close relationship with the Speech or Debate Clause. In re Rodriguez Torres, 6 T.P.R. 972, 994 (1978). Section 14 was drafted after considering the Supreme Court’s Kilboume decision and other related precedents and materials, including the legislative history of the Speech or Debate Clause and its roots in the English Bill of Rights. Id. at 993. The Supreme Court of Puerto Rico has stated not only that Section 14 “is clearly related to the clauses on parliamentary immunity of the Anglo-Saxon tradition,” but also that the drafters of the clause were aware of the subsequent case law construing the clause. Id. at 995 (citations omitted); see also Silva v. Hernández Agosto, 18 T.P.R. 55 (1986) (Section 14 was adopted based on the North American experience and a similar disposition contained in the U.S. Constitution). The Supreme Court of Puerto Rico has consistently looked to cases construing the Speech or Debate Clause to provide guidance on the application of Section 14. See, id.; Romero Barceló v. Hernandez Agosto, 15 T.P.R. 487 (1984); Velez Ramírez v. Colberg Ramírez, 17 T.P.R. 1047 (1986).
Moreover, the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico has stated that “[t]he main purpose of the immunity clause [of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico] is to guarantee the independence of the Legislative Branch and hence strengthen the separation of powers.” Romero Barceló, 15 T.P.R. at 501. The immunity thus “covers legislative functions derived from the separation of powers.” Id. at 512. As a result, the separation of powers concerns which drive the Speech or Debate Clause immunity underlie Section 14 immunity as well; therefore, contrary to plaintiffs contention, the Puerto Rico immunity is co-extensive with the immunity provided to members of Congress.
In conclusion, the application in this ease of the doctrine of legislative immunity is somewhat complicated because of the interplay between the Speech or Debate Clause immunity, the federal common law immunity, and the Puerto Rican constitutional immunity. The Speech or Debate Clause, which provides an absolute immunity for federal legislators that shields them from attacks based on their legislative acts, is not applicable to state legislators, including legislators in Puerto Rico (accord Romero Barceló, 15 T.P.R. at 501), and therefore provides no protection for the defendants in this case. However, both the federal common law immunity and the Puerto Rico constitutional immunity do apply in this case and afford the defendants protection at a level equivalent to that provided by the Speech or Debate Clause immunity. Moreover, the cases demonstrate that in applying the federal common law immunity and the Puerto Rican constitutional immunity in this case, the Court should be. guided by the Speech or Debate Clause immunity and its construing case law. As a result, the Speech or Debate Clause immunity, while not strictly applicable, is nonetheless the applicable rule of law in this case.
D. Legislative Informing Function
When a legislature seeks to inform itself, through hearings, investigations, or otherwise, about the acts and dispositions of the administrative agents of the government, it is undoubtedly engaging in a core legislative function. As President Woodrow Wilson wrote:
It is the proper duty of a representative body to look diligently into every affair of government and to talk much about what it sees. It is meant to be the eyes and the voice, and to embody the wisdom and will of its constituents. Unless Congress has and uses every means of acquainting itself with the acts and the disposition of the administrative agents of the government, the country must be helpless to learn how it is being served; and unless Congress both scrutinizes these things and sift them by every form of discussion, the country must remain in embarrassing, crippling ignorance of the very affairs which it is most important that it should understand and direct. The informing function of Con-
gress should be preferred even to the legislative function.
W. Wilson, Congressional Government 303 (1885) (emphasis added).- The modern political history of the United States reflects several instances of legislative investigations— including the past hearings concerning Watergate and the Iran-Contra Affair, as well .as the hearings concerning the conduct of the Federal Bureau of Investigation during the Branch Davidians hostage situation in Waco, Texas — which demonstrate the increasing importance of the informing function.
The Supreme Court of Puerto Rico summarized the nature of the informing function as follows:
Among its many’ essential functions, a legislature, besides drafting laws, exercises the power of overseeing the government, discussing matters of general interest, and informing the country of current public affairs.
The power to legislate, oversee, investigate, debate, and inform stems from the very concept of a tripartite government, interdependent but separate from the other, and each of equal hierarchy.
The functions of investigation, overseeing, debate, and information are not subordinate to the function of legislation. For example, a debate or the transmission of a debate, is not validated by the drafting of a law. These other functions are justifiable in themselves insofar as they contribute to a representative assembly’s discharge of its constitutional role.
Romero Barceld, 15 T.P.R. at 496.
Because legislative investigations involve core legislative functions, all actions of individual legislators in- conjunction with such investigations are immune from prosecution.
Accord Hutchinson v. Proxmire,
The informing function does not, however, include communications by legislators to the public or to other legislators of information regarding their legitimate activities. As a result, the immunity does not protect a legislator’s “defamatory statements scattered far and wide by mail, press, and the electronic media.”
Hutchinson,
E. Discussion .
It is beyond dispute that the Cerro Maravilla hearings fell well within the legitimate legislative sphere. As the First Circuit explained:
The hearings were properly authorized by Puerto Rico Senate Resolution 91 (Feb. 22, 1981) which provides a specific mandate to the Senate Judiciary Committee to inquire into the activities of the police and other agencies of the government leading up to and during the Cerro Maravilla incident as well as the behavior of the executive branch in response to the incident. Investigations such as this Senate Judiciary Committee investigation constitute an essential component of the legislative process.
Colón Berríos v. Hernandez Agosto,
Plaintiffs assertion that the defendants abused their positions and, solely political reasons, slanted or manipulated the testimony offered during the hearings to portray the plaintiff in a negative light, cannot provide a basis to destroy the application of the privilege in this case. Accord Tenney, supra. The Court simply may not consider defendants’ motives. The separation of powers doctrine provides the judicial branch with certain responsibilities in monitoring the conduct of other branches of government, but does not provide the power or duty to act as referee in a dispute between the Executive and the Legislature. The Constitution reserves for the electorate the power to moderate such political disputes and to enter their judgment at the ballot box. The plaintiff made .public his dissatisfaction with the conduct of the defendants and the PDP leadership in. relation to the Cerro Maravilla hearings. He and his party are now in control of the government — in part, perhaps, because the electorate was also unhappy with the way in which the hearings were conducted. If the defendants have in fact abused their positions, no degree of censure which any court could impose upon them would be more just and effective than the punishment meted, out by the citizens of Puerto Rico in November 1992.
On the other hand, defendants’ alleged dissemination of false, defamatory, and slanderous information about the plaintiff through press releases, interviews, and speeches occurring outside the strict scope of their legislative duties, is not similarly protected by the immunity.
Accord Hutchinson, supra; see also Gravel, supra
(although immunity protected legislator who introduced classified materials during subcommittee hearings, it did not encompass his private arrangement to publish the documents);
Doe v. McMillan,
IV. Civil Rights Claims
Since the defendants have successfully established their legislative immunity for any acts which occurred within the legislative forum, the Court must now consider whether plaintiffs claim’s based on' extra-legislative actions should be dismissed on grounds that he has failed to state a claim on which relief can be granted under the civil rights statutes which form the substantive and jurisdictional
A. Section 1983
Title
1. Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause.
The plaintiff alleges violations of his due process rights under the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution. To prove such a violation a plaintiff must show a deprivation of life, liberty or property. Unless the injury suffered by the plaintiff can be so classified, no constitutionally protected interest is at risk and, in the absence of any alternative theory of right, an action under
The Supreme Court, in
Paul v. Davis,
Following the precedent established by the Supreme Court in
Paul,
the First Circuit had an opportunity to deal with the same issue in
Beitzell v. Jeffrey,
[T]he injury to reputation [is] accompanied by a change in the injured person’s status or rights (under.substantive state or federal law), perhaps as a touchstone (or concrete evidence) of the fact that the injury to reputation was inflicted as a result of á conscious government policy and is serious enough to interfere with other liberties of the sort suggested in Meyer [v. Nebraska,262 U.S. 390 ,43 S.Ct. 625 ,67 L.Ed. 1042 (1923), such as the right to engage in any of the common occupations of life or to marry, establish a home, and bring up children].
Id.
(emphasis added). The First Circuit concluded that the Fourteenth Amendment protects a person’s interest in his reputation but “only where (1) government action threatens it, (2) with usually serious harm, (3) as evidenced by the fact that employment (or some other right or status) is affected.”
Id.
(citation and footnote omitted). If a plaintiff satisfies these three requirements, a
As in
Paul
and
Beitzell,
the plaintiff herein has not presented a cognizable
Second, even if defendants’ actions could somehow be characterized as “government action,” the plaintiff cannot show that defendants’ actions caused him serious harm. In 1992, immediately after the last barrage of allegedly libelous statements, the plaintiff was elected Resident Commissioner; the position he now holds. In fact, the only serious harm which the Court could infer from the complaint, but which is not specifically alleged, is that the -plaintiff lost his bid for reelection in 1984 when he ran for a third term as Governor of Puerto Rico. See Election Result Certification by the State Election Commission for the office of Governor, De-
The plaintiff also alleges a deprivation of his right to be free from attacks against his reputation based not only on federal law, but also on his right to be free from “abusive attacks on his honor, reputation and private or family life” as established by Article II, Section 8 of the Puerto Rico Constitution.
11
Since
Assuming, without deciding, that Section 8 raises the interest in one’s honor and reputation, standing alone, to a constitutional level at which it cannot be abridged by a state actor under
any
circumstances without due process of law, the Court nonetheless finds that Section 8 cannot form the basis for a valid
As a result, the plaintiff cannot recover under federal law for any injury to his reputation and his claim under
2. First Amendment
The plaintiff also alleges violations of his rights of freedom of speech and association under the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. Courts have not developed a well-defined calculus through which to view
The plaintiff has not clearly articulated the contours of the alleged injuries to his First Amendment rights. It appears that he is seeking a determination that his right to free speech was chilled and his right to associate with the NPP was adversely affected by the defamatory statements made by the defendants. The exact nature of plaintiffs claims is not important — although the Court notes that given the fact that he was elected Resident Commissioner on the NPP ticket, his claims regarding injury to his right to associate with the NPP ring hollow.
Plaintiffs First Amendment claim can be viewed in two ways. First, it can be viewed as an attempt to recover damages inflicted upon him by the defendants’ statements. Viewed in this light, it is no more than a simple case for defamation that is actionable in the local courts but not in this forum. On the other hand, it can be viewed as an attempt to have the Court provide protection for him, under the auspices of the First Amendment, in a political dispute between the two major political parties in Puerto Rico. Without engaging in an elaborate discourse on the freedoms of expressions and association, the Court finds that employing the First Amendment to limit or control political discourse would be antithetical to its most basic purposes. As the Court has already noted, in situations in which two political branches of government are involved in a struggle for the hearts and minds of the electorate, the judiciary may not impose its will.
Either way the claim is viewed, therefore, the Court cannot perceive,' and the plaintiff has not adequately shown, any way in which it can be seen as setting forth a claim of injury to his First Amendment rights actionable under
B. Section 1985(3)
Title
A plaintiff will prevail in a
(a) the existence of a conspiracy, (b) intended to deny the plaintiff or plaintiffs equal protection of the laws, or equal privileges and immunities under the laws, (c) injury or deprivation of federally protected rights to the plaintiff or plaintiffs, (d) an overt act in furtherance of the object of the conspiracy, and (e) some racial or otherwise class-based invidiously discriminatory animus behind the conspirator’s action.
Antieau,
supra,
at § 274, p. 473-74;
see also Griffin v. Breckenridge,
To avoid the filing of frivolous civil rights conspiracy actions, the First Circuit Court of Appeals, among other circuits, requires that plaintiffs allege specific facts in the complaint which would support the existence and scope of the alleged conspiracy.
Slotnick,
For example, in
Francis-Sobel v. University of Maine,
As in
Francis-Sobel,
the plaintiff in this case has failed to provide an adequate factual background that would support a
Even if the Court found some support for the conspiracy claim, the plaintiff has not satisfied the other .requirements of a
Y. Conclusion
All of plaintiffs claims arising out of conduct by the defendants which occurred during the Cerro Maravilla hearings or otherwise in the legislative forum are precluded under the doctrine of legislative immunity. For those claims arising out of statements made by the defendants outside the legislative forum, the plaintiff has failed to state a claim under
Finally, defendants’ motion to dismiss also requested the imposition of sanctions and attorney’s fees against the plaintiff under
IT IS SO ORDERED.
Notes
.
See, e.g., Colón Berrios v. Hernandez Agosto,
.The defendants were sentenced as follows: Pérez Casillas, 20 years; Moreno Morales, 30 years; Torres Marrero, 20 years; Quiles Hernán-dez, 12 years; González Pérez, 24 years; Bruno González, 16 years; Mateo Espada, 6 years; and Rios Polanco, 10 years.
. The Puerto Rico Supreme Court imposed the following disciplinary sanctions: Pedro Colton Fontán, disbarred; Angel Figueroa Vivas, disbarred; Osvaldo Villanueva Diaz, indefinite suspension; Aurelio Miró Carrión, five (5) year suspension; Juan E. Brunet Justiniano, three (3) year suspension.
. The official English translation is not yet available.
. The official English translation is not yet available.
. In addition to literally speaking and debating, protected "legislative” activities may include voting, preparing committee reports, and conducting committee hearings. Unprotected "political” activities include providing constituent services, aiding individuals seeking government contracts and arranging appointments with government agencies. Tribe, supra, § 5-18, pp. 371-72; see also Romero Barceló v. .Hernandez Agosto, 15 T.P.R. 487, 500 (1984) (citations omitted) ("the 'sphere of legitimate legislative activity' includes what takes place, during the debates, informative sessions, investigations and other acts which occur on the legislative floors or in the committee rooms”).
. Plaintiff's Memorandum in Opposition to Mo- xion to Dismiss, p. 9.
. The protection afforded by the legislative immunity doctrine extends to defendant Pérez Vi-era as chief counsel and investigator for the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Accord Eastland v. United States Servicemen's Fund,
.
.The results for the Puerto Rico 1984 election for the Governor's seat were as follows: Rafael Hernández Colón — PDP—822,783; Carlos Romero Barceló — PNP—768,742; Hernán Padilla — PRP—69,865; Fernando Martín Garcia— PIP — 61,316. See Election Result Certification by the State Election Commission for the Office of Governor, December 22, 1984.
.Article II, Section 8 provides:
Every person has the right to the protection of law against abusive attacks on his honor, reputation and private or family life.
This provision is the main source of protection against libel and slander under Puerto Rico law. Accord Cortés Portalatín v. Hau Colón, 3 T.P.R. 1019 (1975). The terms of Puerto Rico Libel and Slander Act of 1902, which is codified at 32 L.P.R.A. §§ 3141-3149, survive only insofar as they are compatible with Section 8. Id.
.An area in which
.
See also
Rodney A. Smolla,
The Displacement of Federal Due Process Claims by State Tort Remedies,
1982 U.Ill.L.F. 831, 841-47 ("[A
.
See also Navarette v. Enomoto,
. The plaintiff has not fleshed out the nature of . his right "to disassociate himself from unpopular views.” The First Amendment does protect the right of individuals not to be compelled to be associated with particular ideas. For example, in
Wooley v. Maynard,
.42 U.S.C. § 1985(3) provides in part as follows:
[I]n any case of conspiracy- set forth in this section, if one or more persons engaged therein do, or cause to be done, any act in furtherance of the object of such conspiracy, whereby another is injured in his person or property, or deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States, the party so injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages occasioned by such injury or deprivation, against any one or more of the conspirators.