53 Fair Empl.Prac.Cas. 1276,
5 Indiv.Empl.Rts.Cas. 1758
John AURIEMMA, Daniel Coll, Marshall Consadine, Renaldo
Cozzi, Kenneth Curin, Russell Ditusa, Thomas Faragoi,
Lawrence Forberg, John Hinchy, Kathryn Kajari, George
Marcin, Patrick McDonough, Walter Murphy, John Rafter,
Dominic Rizzi, James Stampnick, Thomas Walton, and Roger
Whalen, Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
Fred RICE, Defendant-Appellant,
and
City of Chicago, Defendant.
No. 89-1479.
United States Court of Appeals,
Seventh Circuit.
Argued Sept. 11, 1989.
Reargued En Banc May 30, 1990.
Decided Aug. 20, 1990.
John L. Gubbins, Gubbins & Associates, Chicago, Ill., for plaintiffs-appellees.
Judson H. Miner, Office of the Corp. Counsel, Ruth M. Moscovitch, Asst. Corp. Counsel, Office of the Corp. Counsel, Appeals Div., Frederick S. Rhine, Asst. Corp. Counsel, James D. Montgomery, Corp. Counsel, Office of the Corp. Counsel, Matthew J. Piers, Gessler, Flynn, Fleischmann, Hughes & Socol, Phillip H. Snelling, Asst. Corp. Counsel, Office of the Corp. Counsel, Langdon D. Neal and Earl L. Neal, Neal & Associates, Chicago, Ill., for defendant-appellant.
Before BAUER, Chief Judge, CUMMINGS, WOOD, Jr., CUDAHY, POSNER, COFFEY, FLAUM, EASTERBROOK, RIPPLE, MANION and KANNE, Circuit Judges.
WOOD, Jr., Circuit Judge,1 joined by CUMMINGS, POSNER, COFFEY, EASTERBROOK, RIPPLE and MANION, Circuit Judges.
This case was brought by eighteen white officers of the Chicago police department who were demoted by defendant Fred Rice, a black former superintendent of the Chicago police department. Plaintiffs claim they were demoted because of their race in violation of the equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment and 42 U.S.C. Secs. 1981, 1983, and 1985(3).
In the original and now-vacated opinion, a divided panel relied on the doctrine of qualified immunity to reverse the district court and enter summary judgment in favor of defendant Fred Rice. See Auriemma v. Rice,
I.
The late Mayor Harold Washington in August 1983 appointed Fred Rice superintendent of the Chicago police department. On December 2, 1983, Rice reorganized the top management ("exempt rank") positions of the police department. The exempt rank officers are the highest level managers of the Chicago police department; they create and execute police policy in the supervision and direction of over 15,000 police employees. As part of that reorganization, Rice reassigned or demoted twenty-five white officers from the exempt ranks, demoted no black officers, but promoted thirteen black officers to the exempt ranks.2 It is argued that some reorganization is customarily expected from new superintendents, but it is not argued that it is customary to do so on this allegedly racial basis, at least in the absence of an affirmative action plan. Rice, however, absolutely denies his reorganization decision was based on race. Rather, he explains, it was done only to advance people who embodied "his philosophy" and "accepted his management style."
Plaintiffs, the victims of Rice's reorganization, followed their demotions with their five-count complaint in this case. In count I, the plaintiffs alleged the demotions violated their fourteenth amendment rights to due process of law; plaintiffs subsequently dismissed this claim voluntarily. Count II alleged that the plaintiffs were demoted for "political reasons." The district court granted summary judgment on this claim finding that Rice was entitled to qualified immunity because "it's not a constitutional violation to make employment decisions based upon political affiliations when party affiliation is an appropriate requirement for effective performance of the public office involved." This ruling has not been appealed. In count III, plaintiffs allege under 42 U.S.C. Secs. 1981 and 1983 that race was "a substantial or motivating factor" in Rice's decision to demote them in violation of the fourteenth amendment. Plaintiffs contend that the white officers' demotions and the black officers' promotions were carried out pursuant to a nonaffirmative action plan, adopted by Rice, but nonetheless based on the officers' races. The district court denied summary judgment to Rice, finding that it was clearly established that a public official making decisions similar to Rice could not use race for making employment determinations. In count IV, plaintiffs allege that Rice engaged in a conspiracy to violate their civil rights in violation of 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3). The district court likewise denied Rice qualified immunity on this count, holding that "the law was clear in 1983 that all racial discrimination ... was clearly covered by Section 1985(3)...." The plaintiffs finally claim, in count V of an amended complaint, violations of their first and fourteenth amendment rights for "harass[ment] and retaliat[ion] against police officers who have filed federal lawsuits against" Rice. On this final count, the district judge granted summary judgment on the basis of qualified immunity for Rice's acts up to and including June 11, 1984, when this court denied rehearing en banc in Altman v. Hurst,
II.
The issue on appeal is whether Rice is entitled to summary judgment based on qualified immunity. Summary judgment is the proper manner to resolve a qualified immunity issue as soon as possible because it protects "government officials from the costs of trial and burdens of discovery, whenever possible...." Rakovich v. Wade,
In Harlow v. Fitzgerald,
In light of Harlow, however, we note that the Supreme Court has not yet fully explored a court's inquiry in applying an objective analysis to a claim that depends on the official's state of mind. See Benson v. Allphin,
It is a mistake to read Harlow too broadly. The elimination of intent from the formula does not mean that the Harlow Court sought to limit civil rights actions to those where state of mind was not a part of the substantive law. Harlow merely states that intent must not be evaluated or weighed through a factual inquiry, which would reduce the likelihood that qualified immunity could be decided in a motion for summary judgment.
Rakovich,
We are more explicitly guided in applying the objective standard to this case by the approach taken in Wade v. Hegner,
where a particular state of mind (e.g., intent, discriminatory motive, retaliatory motive) is an element of the alleged constitutional violation, and the qualified immunity issue arises at the summary judgment or directed verdict stage, in order to answer the step one inquiry, the court must determine whether the plaintiff has factually supported the allegations as to the state of mind element. We made clear, however, that the defendant's subjective state of mind is not relevant to the determination of question two.
Polenz,
In Halperin v. Kissinger,
This circuit has addressed and attempted to clarify the ambiguities and difficulties in the qualified immunity analysis. Having thus examined the relevant legal principles, we now consider Rice's claim to qualified immunity under each of the remaining counts. This court is not divided by what the law is believed to be, but only by the law's application in the circumstances of this case.
III.
We begin by considering Rice's entitlement to qualified immunity under the plaintiffs' race discrimination claim, count III. It is alleged that the plaintiffs were excellent officers and previously had not been the subject of any complaint or disciplinary action, but to the contrary, all plaintiffs had received numerous awards and commendations from the police department and the city of Chicago. At the time this reorganization was undertaken, Rice advised plaintiffs they had done excellent jobs, served well, and that there were no criticisms. No explanation, however, was given to plaintiffs by Rice for his actions. Plaintiffs allege, however, that race was the unspoken explanation, all in accordance with a plan between the late Mayor Washington and Rice to harass and demote these white officers to make their positions available to black officers.
Almost five years after the case had been instituted and not long before trial was scheduled, Rice belatedly raised his qualified immunity defense by motion for summary judgment. At the argument on Rice's summary judgment motion, the district judge over a two-day period thoroughly explored the immunity issue with counsel. Considering that the trial was scheduled to begin, the district judge orally ruled from the bench denying summary judgment to Rice on the basis of qualified immunity. The district judge noted that a reasonable superintendent who in determining whether the contemplated reorganization was legal would have had to take into account something that Rice claims he did not, and that was race. During the argument, Rice's counsel argued that Rice was being "truthful, not cagey," when he said he did not take race into consideration. There was then a short general discussion about possible perjury, but the district judge necessarily came to no conclusion whether Rice was being truthful in his denial of racial consideration. Plaintiffs maintained that because Rice denied race was a factor and did not raise an affirmative action defense, he was precluded from relying on the state of affirmative action law to determine if a constitutional violation was clearly established and thereby creating a qualified immunity defense.
The district judge explained that he was considering the allegations of the complaint, looking at the constitutional right specifically alleged as having been violated and looking to "the reasonableness of the action, as to whether a reasonable public official would have known, based upon the law as established at that time, whether the action taken as alleged in the complaint violated a clearly established constitutional right." He concluded that it was clearly established based upon objective criteria, that a public official could not use race for making employment determinations and therefore denied qualified immunity. The ruling of the district court cannot fairly be characterized as based only upon Rice's subjective intent or state of mind, but it appears to be based upon the law applied to the facts alleged and known at that stage of the proceeding. There was admittedly no evidence of any affirmative action plan: no racial analysis had been done, and no affirmative action purpose in any degree was claimed. Faced with these objective facts about the white demotions and black promotions outside any affirmative action context and quite apart from Rice's subjective intent, there was no basis for the district court to proceed to consider the state of affirmative action law.
There is no disagreement in this court that the Wade interpretation of Harlow is to be applied. It is agreed that intent is crucial to a plaintiff's claim but relevant only in determining whether a constitutional violation exists under part one of the Wade approach. Nor is there disagreement in this court that plaintiffs sufficiently alleged a constitutional violation in their demotions based on racial animus considering at this stage that plaintiffs' allegations are true. The application of the Wade step 2, however, is where the court divides, not on the law but in its application to this case. It is accepted that consideration of intent is not relevant in determining if the constitutional standard allegedly breached was clearly established.
We must be careful to properly characterize with particularity the right in question. In Anderson v. Creighton,
This court disagrees among itself about whether plaintiffs' allegations that they, high-ranking white officers who were demoted without any just cause or complaint about their professional performance but only because of race so as to make their police supervisory command positions available to be filled by black officers, violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution, and in particular 42 U.S.C. Secs. 1981 and 1983. We do not view those allegations to be so general as to run afoul of Anderson on the grounds that they do not provide a sufficient basis for a reasonable official to understand what he was doing violates that right. The test for immunity is whether the law is clear in relation to the specific facts confronting the public official when he acted. Rakovich v. Wade,
It is in effect conceded that race discrimination for race's sake is not to be tolerated in government employment. Writing for himself in a case in which no single justice spoke for the court, Regents of the University of California v. Bakke,
We are urged by Rice to eliminate his subjective intent, whatever in fact it was, from the qualified immunity analysis and consider the state of affirmative action law in 1983, granting qualified immunity on that basis regardless of the absence of any factual basis. There is no claim that there was in existence on an objective, even on a subjective basis, any sort of an affirmative action plan or purpose whatsoever that might have led a reasonable superintendent to believe he was therefore doing something proper, not improper. Anderson required only that the contours of the right be sufficiently clear that a reasonable official would understand that what he is doing violates that right.
Our case, Cygnar v. City of Chicago,
In Cygnar, in contrast to the present case, there was something factually to build on: there appears to have been an embryonic affirmative action plan or purpose even though deficient. But in this present case there is absolutely no evidence factually supportive of an affirmative purpose. The Cygnar facts do not exist because Rice has made it very plain there was no affirmative action rationale. The reorganization was not approached on that basis. There is therefore no evidence or claim of any affirmative action statistical analysis, or of past discrimination, or anything else for affirmative action purposes. In fact, Rice explained that if he had injected race and any factors other than efficiency and effectiveness into the top command structure, he would have been doomed to failure as a superintendent. In these circumstances based on the facts of what happened, leaving to one side Rice's subjective intent, there is nothing, except judicial air, upon which to construct for Rice what would be a species of a nonexistent affirmative action for qualified immunity purposes.
We do not see how the correct portrayal of the specific right alleged to have been violated involving race can be correctly characterized, as this court's now-vacated opinion characterized it, as whether a reasonable superintendent of police could have concluded that he could take race into consideration for a limited reorganization of the exempt ranks of the police department. That formulation does not bear an accurate "relationship to the 'objective legal reasonableness' that is the touchstone of Harlow." Anderson,
We believe the issue can be more particularly stated to fit the facts and circumstances of this case as required by Anderson. The issue as we see it is "whether in 1983 a reasonable superintendent of a major metropolitan police force could have reasonably concluded that he could reorganize the police department's highest level managers by reassigning or demoting twenty-five white officers from the exempt ranks but demoting no black officers, and then promoting thirteen black officers into the new vacancies created by the white demotions, all in the total absence of any affirmative action concept or criteria, defective or otherwise."3
Race is and has been for a long time a very sensitive issue in this country. No reasonable police chief could have objectively and reasonably concluded that he could do on a wholesale basis what Rice did and not thereby violate the rights of the white officers. Any police chief who thought he could demote and promote only along allegedly clear racial lines could not be a reasonable police chief. Even Rice acknowledged that if he had injected race into the reorganization he would be doomed to failure as a superintendent. What in fact happened is another matter. The case now goes to a jury so that it can decide whether the plaintiffs' allegations are true.
IV.
We turn next to plaintiffs' allegations that Rice's actions violated their civil rights under 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3).4 The district court also denied Rice qualified immunity on count IV.
In analyzing this count, we must apply the same qualified immunity analysis as previously discussed. We again use the same inquiry as framed above to determine if a reasonable superintendent of police of a large metropolitan force should have clearly known that what he did would violate the rights of plaintiffs. The pivotal question under 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3) is whether it was clearly established in 1983 that whites as a class came within the protection of the statute. If not, Rice is entitled to qualified immunity on this particular charge. So far as the conspiracy requirement is concerned, it is alleged that the demotions of the white officers for the benefit of black officers were part of a plan and agreement between former Mayor Washington, Rice, and other black city employees. The district court concluded its consideration of this count by holding that a public official in Rice's position in 1983 could not reasonably believe that 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3) was only to protect blacks, not whites, from racial discrimination.
Rice argues that the qualified immunity he claims to be entitled to under count III applies to count IV, "[b]ecause it was not clearly established that [Rice's] acts violated the equal protection clause, a fortiori it was not clearly established that a conspiracy to commit those acts was illegal." Because we have found Rice not entitled to qualified immunity under count III we might also a fortiori find he was not entitled to it under count IV, but the considerations are not the same.
The district judge's view of section 1985(3) is not without foundation. A mere reading of section 1985(3), as adopted in 1871 following the Civil War, does not suggest that it does not mean what it plainly says on its face. Its language extends protections to "any person or class of persons" and to "citizens" without evident distinction, racial or otherwise. It does not mention black or white or reveal on its face that some are entitled and some are not to "equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws." There is also some legislative history that can be selectively extracted which suggests a literal reading of the statutory language is what Congress intended. Representative Rainey, for instance, expressed the desire that the act be construed to protect the humblest citizens without regard to rank, creed, or color. CONG. GLOBE, 42d Cong., 1st Sess. 395 (1871).5 Representative Buckley expressed his view that the legislation was not to protect "colored only, but the whites also." Id. at 190. Senator Edmunds also gave the statute a very expansive view. Id. at 567. Recently, we considered the racial application of section 1985(3) and found that without doubt it covered conspiracies against whites, not just blacks. Triad Assocs., Inc. v. Chicago Housing Auth.,
In July 1983, the critical year in the present case, the Supreme Court said, "it is a close question whether Sec. 1985(3) was intended to reach any class-based animus other than animus against Negroes, and those who championed their cause...." United Bhd. of Carpenters, Local 610 v. Scott,
Even after one hundred and sixteen years, four major Supreme Court opinions, colorful legislative history, and over five hundred lower court opinions, there is probably no other federal statute in such complete disarray, distortion, and confusion as that section of the Civil Rights Act of 1871 now codified at 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3).
McDonald, Starting from Scratch: A Revisionist View of 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3) and Class-Based Animus, 19 CONN.L.REV. 471, 471 (1987) (footnote omitted).
Although scholars, lawyers, and judges have not yet resolved all the problems with section 1985(3), including some not pertinent to this case, it is possible that a reasonable police chief could have. But in any event it cannot be said that the law was clearly established in 1983. Rice is entitled to qualified immunity on count IV, thus requiring reversal on that count.
V.
Turning to Rice's final claim, we review the district court's partial denial of qualified immunity on plaintiffs' cause of action alleging in count V a "pattern of harassment and retaliatory treatment by defendant Rice" since the filing of this complaint. Specifically, plaintiffs allege that Rice engaged in conduct that consisted of retaliatory transfers and a failure to consider plaintiffs for promotions in violation of their first amendment right to freedom of speech that protects their right to file this suit. The district court granted summary judgment on the basis of qualified immunity for all acts that occurred on or before June 11, 1984, the date this Court denied rehearing in Altman v. Hurst,
The district court read Altman to clearly establish, however, that a lawsuit raising a matter of public concern, not merely a private matter as in Altman, was therefore speech protected by the first amendment and entitled to protection under section 1985(3). Further findings by the district court determined plaintiffs' suit inherently involved a matter of public concern because it involved the superintendent of police. Accordingly, the district court denied Rice qualified immunity for acts after June 11, 1984. Rice claims he is entitled to qualified immunity for acts alleged to have occurred after June 11, 1984, as well, because he alleges that in 1984-1985 it was not clearly established that the first amendment prohibited retaliation for filing a civil rights lawsuit.
There is no disagreement in this court that the demotions and promotions alleged are of "public interest," but there is disagreement over whether the filing of this suit qualifies under Connick v. Myers,
In Yatvin v. Madison Metropolitan School District,
It would be difficult to find a matter of greater public concern in a large metropolitan area than police protection and public safety. When there is a wholesale change in the highest police echelons allegedly only on a racial basis and not on merit, whether black for white, or white for black, there cannot but be, and there should be genuine public concern. There was clearly public interest. The reorganization was front page news in the Chicago Tribune on December 3, 1983. It must also be a matter of public concern if a group of public employees is allegedly harassed and penalized by supervisors for seeking redress in our federal court system because of their public objection to the alleged racial basis of the reorganization. That would be intolerable even for claims later found to be without merit.
We do not know what the merit of plaintiffs' count V allegations may turn out to be, but that should be decided at trial and not foreclosed by the unjustified grant of qualified immunity to excuse the alleged wrong. Summary judgment for Rice was unwarranted on count V.
The judgment is affirmed on counts III and V. The parties shall bear their own costs. Circuit Rule 36 shall not apply.
BAUER, Chief Judge, dissenting.
I join Judge Flaum's dissent and write only to suggest that the analysis in Judge Cudahy's dissent does not represent my view of the matter. The dimensions of the problem which my Brother Cudahy thinks may have escaped the attention of the majority and minority on the issue are ones I frankly prefer to miss. I do not believe that a recognition of a "white" or "black" party by a judicial decision is necessary, nor do I think that it is true.
I think it unfortunate that voting proceeds along racial lines all too frequently, but voting has frequently been based on ethnic appeals; I don't doubt that people have voted for Irish candidates, Italian candidates and German or Polish candidates just because of that national identity (or voted against such candidates for the same reason). But that has not prompted the courts or law to recognize an "Irish" party or "Polish" party and designate one or the other as the winner or loser and ascribe the party patronage policy to be based on the ethnic identity of the winner.
The candidates were all members of organized and recognized political parties; indeed, the successful candidates for mayor, black and white, were all members of exactly the same party.
CUDAHY, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
I join Judge Flaum's dissent on the race discrimination issue but I write separately both to comment further on affirmative action and to note other dimensions of the problem which were not raised by the parties but which seem clearly relevant.
This is certainly not an ordinary case of affirmative action. It is not, at least from all appearances, the frequently encountered case of a government (usually white-dominated) instituting measures that benefit minorities in order to remedy past discrimination. But, even assuming that the case presents a real, if unusual, case of affirmative action, Chief Rice did nothing that was clearly unconstitutional given the case law of 1983. Indeed, the state of affirmative action law has been notoriously unclear and in flux throughout the evolution of the doctrine. In the early 1980s, affirmative action law was still really in its infancy. (The first full blown affirmative action case decided by the Supreme Court was the Bakke decision handed down in 1978.)
In 1980, for example, the Supreme Court held that the government could use appropriately tailored race-conscious measures to counter the effects of past discrimination. Fullilove v. Klutznick,
However, I would prefer to try to analyze this situation as something other than a case of affirmative action. Rice denied that he was engaging in affirmative action and the facts do not really fit that mold. This seems to me instead to be very much a political case cast in a racial mold. The 1983 election resulting in the election of Mayor Washington was fought to an extraordinary extent along racial lines, but it was an election nonetheless. Indeed, the political alignment was coterminous with race to a degree having few parallels in electoral history.
" 'Except for the accidents,' " in the words of an involved political consultant, "Washington got all of the black vote." Kleppner, Chicago Divided: The Making of a Black Mayor 217 (1985). In fact, in the 1983 general election for mayor, Harold Washington received, according to some estimates, approximately 99% of the black vote and only 12 to 16% of the white vote, with the Hispanic vote split. Id. at 218 (Table 23); Levinsohn, Harold Washington: A Political Biography 270 (1983). In effect, the blacks won the 1983 election and the whites lost.
The 1983 election was not a traditional Chicago election.
"It used to be that ... many people would have chosen sides according to party, and the campaign would be over," [Patrick] Caddell [a political expert] observed shortly before election day. "This time, people also have chosen sides, but the controlling fulcrum here is race not party."
Kleppner, Chicago Divided at 236.
The Police Department itself apparently played a significant role in the 1983 mayoral election:
In the eight days before the April 12th general election, the mayoral race was shaping into a photo finish. In an effort to push Epton [the Republican candidate] over the finish line ahead of Washington, Police Supt. Richard Brzeczek announced his resignation on Tuesday, April 5, exactly one week before the big day. Brzeczek, who had campaigned for [former Mayor] Byrne in the primary, once warned the citizens of Chicago that the streets would not be safe under a Washington administration. The faint of heart were being led to believe that Chicago would become a 20th century Wild West Dodge City under a Black mayor. White police officers, among whom Epton had a great deal of support, expressed regret and anger at Brzeczek's departure. Black officers considered his resignation as a step forward.
Travis, "Harold": The People's Mayor 194 (1989). It is in this context of a supercharged political contest waged along starkly racial lines that we must view the controversy before us--not as some sort of sanitized exercise in racial balance.1
In this case, Rice, a member of the winning (black) party2 reorganized his department according to the classic dictates of politics to place more members of the prevailing party in policymaking positions. Since these were upper-rank policy positions the reorganization would not be illegal presumably even under Rutan v. Republican Party of Illinois, --- U.S. ----,
In addition, it should be noted that a violation of the equal protection guarantee requires an intent to discriminate against a particular group--in this case whites. See Washington v. Davis,
On the basis of this "political" equal protection analysis, which seems to me considerably more realistic than a conventional affirmative action one, Rice either would be arguably innocent of a civil rights infraction or would have qualified immunity since promotions among policymaking officials after a "black" party political victory did not constitute a clearly established constitutional violation in 1983.
FLAUM, Circuit Judge, with whom BAUER, Chief Judge, CUDAHY, and KANNE, Circuit Judges, join, dissenting.
I respectfully dissent from the majority's decision because I believe it is contrary to the Supreme Court's statement that "bare allegations of malice should not suffice to subject government officials either to the costs of trial or to the burdens of broad-reaching discovery." Harlow v. Fitzgerald,
My first disagreement concerns the majority's denial of qualified immunity on Count III, the race discrimination claim. Although the majority correctly notes Harlow's directive that an objective analysis, one eliminating subjective intent, must be applied in determining whether the constitutional violation was clearly established, it overlooks the ruling in its application of the law to this case. The Harlow Court stated that it "was instituting a new regime of 'reliance on the objective reasonableness of an official's conduct' ... and that it was generally eliminating '[j]udicial inquiry into subjective motivation.' " Halperin v. Kissinger,
My approach differs from that of the majority because I believe the right should be defined without considering intent. As the Supreme Court held in Anderson,
To appropriately define the right in these terms, intent must be removed from the analysis. Therefore, I conclude the correct portrayal of the specific right alleged to have been violated involving race is whether a reasonable superintendent of police could have concluded that he could take race into consideration for a limited reorganization of the exempt ranks of the police department. This characterization of the right is more objective than that of the majority, as is required by Anderson. Accordingly, the court must consider all the law that the objective facts of the case support to determine whether the right is clearly established. In this context, an objective approach does not preclude a consideration of the state of affirmative action law merely because Rice may have lacked the subjective intent to implement an affirmative action plan.
The majority, in an attempt to demonstrate why the court should not consider affirmative action law, brings Rice's subjective intent into the analysis. Neither Harlow nor this Court's decision in Cygnar v. City of Chicago,
By focusing the decision of this Court on whether Rice intended an affirmative action plan, the majority also is omitting Harlow's announced purpose of early elimination of insubstantial claims at summary judgment. In Rakovich v. Wade,
At the time in question, Rice's actions satisfied the requirements in Lehman v. Yellow Freight System, Inc.,
II.
I also disagree with the majority's denial of summary judgment for Rice on Count V, the retaliation claim. The threshold inquiry in such a case is to determine whether the matter is one of public, or private, concern. See Altman v. Hurst,
The Supreme Court established the test in Connick v. Myers,
The mere fact that this case concerns a superintendent of police does not make this a matter of public concern. "To presume that all matters which transpire within a government office are of public concern would mean that virtually every remark--and certainly every criticism directed at a public official--would plant the seed of a constitutional case." Connick,
In Linhart v. Glatfelter,
So, too, it is apparent in this case that the plaintiffs in filing their complaint were primarily challenging their demotions and transfers rather than trying to raise an issue of public concern. They sought to advance their careers and receive compensatory and punitive damages for the alleged wrongs. It was not their central intention to promote a cause of public concern. As was the case in Yatvin, the plaintiffs' action "does not seek relief against pervasive or systematic misconduct by a public agency or public officials, and, ... is not part of an overall effort by the plaintiff[s] ... to correct allegedly unlawful practices or bring them to public attention." Yatvin,
III.
For the above stated reasons, I would reverse the district court's denial of summary judgment on Counts III and V. I concur with the majority's opinion on Count IV.
Notes
Portions of this opinion have been adapted from the original panel opinion, with Judge Flaum's very kind permission even though he disagrees with the results reached in parts III and V
Not all the affected white officers joined in this suit
It is too late on appeal to supply figures of disparity in the exempt ranks, figures Rice did not have, use, or want
42 U.S.C. Sec. 1985(3) provides as follows:
If two or more persons in any State or Territory conspire or go in disguise on the highway or on the premises of another, for the purpose of depriving, either directly or indirectly, any person or class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges and immunities under the laws; or for the purpose of preventing or hindering the constituted authorities of any State or Territory from giving or securing to all persons within such State or Territory the equal protection of the laws; or if two or more persons conspire to prevent by force, intimidation, or threat, any citizen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy in a legal manner, toward or in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President or Vice President, or as a Member of Congress of the United States; or to injure any citizen in person or property on account of such support or advocacy; in any case of conspiracy set forth in this section, if one or more persons engaged therein do, or cause to be done, any act in furtherance of the object of such conspiracy, whereby another is injured in his person or property, or deprived of having and exercising any right or privilege of a citizen of the United States, the party so injured or deprived may have an action for the recovery of damages occasioned by such injury or deprivation, against any one or more of the conspirators.
The Congressional Globe was the official record of the United States Congress from 1833-1873
Racist pamphlets involving the police set the tone:
Handbills were circulated depicting a police insignia that read "Chicongo Po-lease." On the insignia in the center were a pair of lips, a watermelon slice, a can of beer, and a slab of ribs; and the written commentary on the side deprecatingly linked these to black heritage and traditions. Another piece of racist propaganda, displayed in some of the police stations in white areas, posed a series of questions emphasizing the danger that with a black mayor, Chicago would become another Gary, Indiana. (emphasis supplied). "No matter what anyone tells you, this election has come down to race," it warned. Readers were urged to "make the difference" by voting for Epton and to "make copies" of the handbill "and get the word around."
Kleppner, Chicago Divided at 211-212.
Perhaps one should not call the contending organizations "parties"; perhaps "electoral vehicles" would be a more felicitous term. One of these survives even today in a perhaps attenuated form as the "Harold Washington Party." But I think it is generally better that we recognize electoral reality and apply a doctrine that might fit than turn a blind eye to reality in search of convenient conclusions
See also United Jewish Organizations of Williamsburgh, Inc. v. Carey,
Count V concerns whether the plaintiffs have stated a first amendment claim. It is appropriate to consider the plaintiffs' intent, not the government official's, to decide this question under Connick
