Plaintiffs, who are local government officials, sued seeking a declaration that a provision of the Texas Open Meetings Act (“TOMA”) violates the First Amendment. Specifically, they contend that Texas Government Code § 551.144 is a content-based restriction on political speech, is unconstitutionally vague, and is overbroad. They seek declaratory and injunctive relief, pursuant to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, that Section 551.144 may not be enforced.
After a bench trial, the district court held that Section 551.144 is constitutional because it is not vague or overbroad, it does not restrict speech based on its content, it requires disclosure rather than restricts speech, and it satisfies the intermediate-scrutiny standard. Asgeirsson v. Abbott,
I.
TOMA requires the meetings of governmental bodies to be open to the public. It applies to most state and local governing bodies but excludes the Legislature, the Governor, mayors, and other executive policymakers. As part of the mechanism to enforce the open-meetings requirement, Section 551.144 prohibits members of covered governing bodies from knowingly participating in a closed meeting, to organize a closed meeting, or to close a meeting to the public. A violation is a misdemeanor punishable by a fine of $100-500, confinement in jail for one to six months, or both.
Most significant for First Amendment purposes is that TOMA defines a “meeting” as “a deliberation between a quorum of a governmental body ... during which public business or public policy over which the governmental body has supervision or control is discussed .... ” Tex. Gov’t Code Ann. § 551.001. Incidental discussion of public business at ceremonial events, conventions, or social functions is then carved from the definition. Plaintiffs contend that that definition has the effect of criminalizing political speech based on content. We agree with the district court, however, that TOMA is a content-neutral time, place, or manner restriction, so we affirm.
II.
Plaintiffs argue that the issue of whether strict scrutiny applies to TOMA was foreclosed by a 2009 Fifth Circuit opinion that concludes that the statute is a eon-tent-based restriction on speech and must be subjected to strict scrutiny. In 2006, two members of the Alpine City Council sued, alleging TOMA’s unconstitutionality. The district court upheld the statute, but a
Fifth Circuit Rule 41.3 states, “Unless otherwise expressly provided, the granting of a rehearing en banc vacates the panel opinion and judgment of the court and stays the mandate.” Although we need not go beyond that plain language, this court has consistently held that vacated opinions are not precedent,
III.
Plaintiffs claim that Section 551.144 is content-based because it applies only to speech regarding “public policy over which the governmental body has supervision or control.”
A.
In Playtime Theatres, the Court upheld a zoning ordinance that was facially content-based because it applied only to theaters showing sexually-explicit material. The Court reasoned that the regulation was content-neutral because it was not aimed at suppressing the erotic message of the speech but instead at the “secondary effects” — such as crime and lowered property values — that tended to accompany such theaters. Id. at 48,
Plaintiffs propose a different test: “A regulatory scheme that requires the government to ‘examine the content of the message that is conveyed’ is content-based regardless of its motivating purpose.” Serv. Employees Int’l Union, Local 5 v. City of Hous.,
First, it is dictum and conflicts with the analysis the panel ultimately used. The panel went on to determine content-neutrality according to the purpose of the regulations in question, ultimately finding them to be content-neutral. Id. at 600, 602. Second, the opinion cites no authority supporting the last clause of the test, “regardless of its motivating purpose.” Arkansas Writers’ Project, the case cited at the end of the test, does not hold that motivating purpose is irrelevant to content-neutrality; that case is cited because it contains the language in the quotation, “examine the content of the message that is conveyed.” Finally, the test contradicts Supreme Court precedent and other Fifth Circuit opinions that determine content-neutrality according to the purpose of the regulation, as described above.
The best support plaintiffs offer for their contention that content-neutrality is determined without examining the purpose of the regulation is Burson v. Freeman,
Moreover, part of the reason the Court applied exacting scrutiny in Freeman is that the statute’s prohibition applied to speech in a public, not private, forum.
B.
Regarding content-neutral justification, the district court found that Section 551.144’s purpose is to control the secondary effects of closed meetings. The court opined that closed meetings (1) prevent transparency; (2) encourage fraud and corruption; and (3) foster mistrust in government. Those justifications are unrelated to the messages or ideas that are likely to be expressed in closed meetings. The allegedly content-based requirement — that the speech concern public policy — is relevant, because only that speech would have the effects listed above. If a quorum of a governing body, were to meet-in secret and discuss knitting or other topics unrelated to their powers as a governing body, no harm would occur. This situation is analogous to Playtime Theatres, in which only adult movie theaters attracted crime and lowered property values — but not because the ideas or messages expressed in adult movies caused crime.
The instant case is unlike Boos v. Barry,
Here, government is not made less transparent because of the message of private speech about public policy: Transparency is furthered by allowing the public to have access to government decisionmaking. This is true whether those decisions are made by cogent empirical arguments or coin-flips. The private speech itself
Plaintiffs cite Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association, — U.S. -,
Plaintiffs also argue that TOMA is content-based because it is identity-based — it applies only to speakers who are members of governmental bodies. This contention is based on a misreading of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission,
A separate harm arising from the use of identity concerned the Court in Citizens United:
By taking the right to speak from some and giving it to others, the Government deprives the disadvantaged person or class of the right to use speech to strive to establish worth, standing, and respect for the speaker’s voice. The Government may not by these means deprive the public of the right and privilege to determine for itself what speech and speakers are worthy of consideration.
Id. at 899. This is a concern about public attitudes toward particular ideas and speakers. It is aimed at regulations that keep speech from reaching the marketplace of ideas, and it is therefore inapplicable to statutes that restrict only private speech. Thus, TOMA’s application to only members of public bodies does not raise either of the concerns expressed in Citizens United.
Accordingly, TOMA is a content-neutral time, place, or manner restriction, and as such, it should be subjected to intermediate scrutiny. Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. F.C.C.,
IV.
The district court concluded that TOMA, like the disclosure statute upheld in Citizens United, requires disclosure of speech but does not suppress it. To reach the conclusion that the statute does not suppress speech, the court construed
For First Amendment purposes, the requirement to make information public is treated more leniently than are other speech regulations. The Court has often upheld disclosure provisions even where it has struck down other regulations of speech in the same statutes. See, e.g., Citizens United,
In Citizens United, the Court upheld the portions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (“BCRA”) that required political advertisements to contain disclaimers indicating who paid for them. Id. Because the Court classified the statute as a disclosure requirement, it subjected it to exacting rather than strict scrutiny. Id. The Court reasoned that disclosure requirements do not prevent individuals from speaking even if they burden the ability to speak. Id. As with the BCRA, TOMA burdens the ability to speak by requiring disclosure. TOMA’s disclosure requirement burdens private political speech among a quorum of a governing body, but it does so in the same way that the BCRA’s disclosure requirement burdened anonymous political speech in political advertisements. Neither statute aims to suppress the underlying ideas or messages, and they arguably magnify the ideas and messages by requiring their disclosure.
Plaintiffs contend that because TOMA punishes private speech, it does not merely require disclosure. That is a distinction without a difference: To enforce a disclosure requirement of certain speech, the government must have the ability to punish its nondisclosure. If there were no punishment for nondisclosure, the speaker would have no incentive to disclose until the enforcer of the statute prosecuted him or obtained an injunction. That would render any disclosure requirement so arduous to enforce that it would be ineffective.
The district court did not address this issue, because it construed Section 551.144 to allow public officials to avoid punishment by later disclosing their private speech. To support that construction, the court cited Burks v. Yarbrough,
The absence of such a “redo” exception, however, does not prevent TOMA from being upheld under Citizens United and Buckley. The statute upheld in Citizens United was violated as soon as a political advertisement was televised without the required disclaimer. See Citizens United,
Finally, the plaintiffs contend that, even if Section 551.144 is treated as a disclosure requirement, it is unconstitutional because it subjects them to harassment and persecution by the authorities in the form of criminal prosecution. “[Tjhose resisting disclosure can prevail under the First Amendment if they can show ‘a reasonable probability that the compelled disclosure will subject them to threats, harassment, or reprisals from either Government officials or private parties.’ ” Doe # 1,
Because Section 551.144 punishes private speech in order to enforce a disclosure requirement, it is no less a disclosure requirement than are the statutes upheld in Citizens United and Buckley. If it were not a content-neutral time, place, or manner restriction, it would be subject to exacting scrutiny.
V.
Plaintiffs contend that Section 551.144 is overbroad because it criminalizes all private speech among a quorum of a governing body that is about public policy, and most of such speech does not lead to corruption. The plaintiffs’ argument fails, because it ignores the other purposes of TOMA, such as increasing transparency, fostering trust in government, and ensuring that all members of a governing body may take part in the discussion of public business. With respect to these other goals, TOMA is not overbroad.
For a statute to be overbroad, it must “reachf ] a substantial amount of constitutionally protected conduct.” Vill.
Because Section 551.144 reaches only private discussion of public business among a quorum of a governing body, plaintiffs — to show overbreadth — must demonstrate that they have a constitutional right to such speech. They offer no support for that proposition, and there is reason to think that the First Amendment does not protect the right of government officials to deliberate in private, given that it sometimes requires them to open their proceedings to the public.
The public’s right of access extends at least to criminal proceedings.
Even if the plaintiffs were able to show that TOMA reaches a substantial amount of protected speech, they have not established that its overbreadth is “substantial as well, judged in relation to the statute’s plainly legitimate sweep.” Broadrick,
That notion fails, because it ignores TOMA’s other goals apart from reducing corruption. Having that discussion privately would decrease government transparency, and the state has determined that the benefits of making these discussions public outweigh any harm done by the disclosure of information. Thus, the plaintiffs have not shown that TOMA reaches outside its plainly legitimate sweep.
VI.
Plaintiffs claim that TOMA is unconstitutionally vague because it is so unclear that public officials need an educational course to comply with it, and even lawyers that specialize in TOMA often cannot predict its interpretation. Vagueness is necessarily a matter of degree, and plaintiffs have not shown that TOMA is as vague as the statutes that have been found unconstitutional. Furthermore, neither of the issues plaintiffs point to implicates the underlying purpose of the vagueness doctrine: preventing government from chilling substantial amounts of speech and facilitating discriminatory and arbitrary enforcement.
The concern underlying the vagueness doctrine is that citizens will not be able to predict which actions fall within the statute, leading to arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement. See Kolender v. Lawson,
In contrast, plaintiffs point to no section of TOMA that is vague on its face. Plaintiffs’ complaints arise from TOMA’s complexity rather than its vagueness or lack of standards. A great deal of training may be required to predict the interpretation of the tax code, for example, but that is not because it is standardless or arbitrary. In fact, the vast body of law that causes TOMA to be so complex arguably makes it less vague by providing the necessary standards. Plaintiffs do not argue that any of the cases interpreting TOMA conflicts or add ambiguity.
VII.
In summary, TOMA is content-neutral and is not unconstitutionally overbroad or vague. It is also a disclosure statute, though that does not change the level of scrutiny, because the statute is content-neutral. The district court properly applied intermediate scrutiny, and the judgment is AFFIRMED.
Notes
. Because the issues are questions of law, we review them de novo. See Ctr. for Individual Freedom v. Carmouche,
. Rangra v. Brown,
. See Asociacion Nacional de Pescadores a Pequena Escala o Artesanales v. Dow Quimica de Colombia S.A.,
. See Comer v. Murphy Oil USA,
. The alleged content-based portion of the statute is in the definition of "meeting,” which Section 551.001 defines as
(A) a deliberation between a quorum of a governmental body, or between a quorum of a governmental body and another person, during which public business or public policy over which the governmental body has supervision or control is discussed or considered or during which the governmental body takes formal action; or (B) except as otherwise provided by this subdivision, a gathering:
(i) that is conducted by the governmental body or for which the governmental body is responsible;
(ii) at which a quorum of members of the governmental body is present;
(iii) that has been called by the governmental body;
and
(iv) at which the members receive information from, give information to, ask questions of, or receive questions from any third person, including an employee of the governmental body, about the public business or public policy over which the governmental body has supervision or control.
The term does not include the gathering of a quorum of a governmental body at a social function unrelated to the public business that is conducted by the body, or the attendance by a quorum of a governmental body at a regional, state, or national convention or workshop, ceremonial event, or press conference, if formal action is not taken and any discussion of public business is incidental to the social function, convention, workshop, ceremonial event, or press conference.
The term includes a session of a governmental body.
. See, e.g., Ward v. Rock Against Racism,
. See, e.g., Palmer v. Waxahachie Indep. Sch. Dist.,
. Freeman,
. See id. ("[T]he First Amendment's hostility to content-based regulation extends not only to a restriction on a particular viewpoint, but also to a prohibition of public discussion of an entire topic.” (emphasis added)); id. at 198,
. See Citizens United,
. Citizens United,
. See Press-Enter. Co. v. Superior Court,
. In its brief as amicus curiae, the Texas Municipal League offers other situations in which TOMA arguably could prohibit constitutionally-protected speech. For example, amicus mentions a situation in which a city council member is prohibited from attending a civic event at which a fellow member who is running for re-election will be speaking about public-policy issues. Amicus argues that that is prohibited, because it is a quorum discussing government policy at an event not open to the general public.
The potential situations listed, however, are not from actual cases but are only examples of advice attorneys have given to local government officials. Furthermore, such broad interpretations of the law are suspect, given that TOMA appears to exclude such gatherings from its definition of ''meeting”:
["Meeting”] does not include the gathering of a quorum of a governmental body at a social function unrelated to the public business that is conducted by the body, or the attendance by a quorum of a governmental body at a regional, state, or national convention or workshop, ceremonial event, or press conference, if formal action is not taken and any discussion of public business is incidental to the social function, convention, workshop, ceremonial event, or press conference.
. See, e.g., Smith v. Goguen,
. There are seventy-four sections of TOMA and countless cases interpreting it.
