Lead Opinion
Under Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution, congressional representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to population, as determined by a decennial census. The Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce [“the Census Bureau”], conducted the required decennial census of Wisconsin' — and all other states — during the first part of last year. On December 28, 2000, the Census Bureau certified the population of Wisconsin to be 5,471,210 as of April 1, 2000, and the population of the United States as a whole to be 281,424,188. Distributing the 435 representatives authorized by law among the 50 states, then, Wisconsin is presently entitled to 8 representatives (one for every 646,952 people). In previous years the state was entitled to nine.
Under the congressional districting law enacted by the Wisconsin Legislature in 1991 and codified in Wis. Stat. § 3.001,
On February 5, 2001, the State Senate Democratic Caucus moved to intervene to expand the action to include the reapportionment of the state legislative districts. On February 8, 2001, Chief Judge Joel M. Flaum of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, acting pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2284(b)(1), appointed Circuit Court Judge Frank H. Easterbrook, Chief District Court Judge J.P. Stadtmueller, and Senior District Court Judge John W. Reynolds to a three-judge district court panel to preside over the action.
The United States Supreme Court has interpreted Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution as delegating to the states the “primary responsibility for apportionment of their federal congressional and state legislative districts.” Growe v. Emison,
It is the determination of this court that the complaint as filed does present a justi-ciable case or controversy. The case or controversy requirement of Article III of the United States Constitution confines the federal courts to resolving “ ‘real and substantial controversies] admitting of specific relief through a decree of a conclusive character, as distinguished from an opinion advising what the law would be upon a hypothetical state of the facts.’ ” Lewis v. Continental Bank Corp.,
In their complaint, the plaintiffs allege that shifts in population and population growth have rendered the nine Wisconsin congressional districts established by law in 1991 no longer as equal in population as required by the United States Constitution. Specifically, they allege that the plaintiffs who reside in the 1st, 2nd, 6th, 8th, and 9th Congressional Districts, based on the current district lines, are particularly under-represented in comparison with residents of other districts. They further allege that the absolute reduction in the number of congressional representatives for Wisconsin in the United States House of Representatives renders the state ma-lapportioned and its citizens misrepresented. (See Compl. at 10-11.) They seek a declaration that the apportionment of Wisconsin’s nine congressional districts in Chapter 3 of the Wisconsin Statutes is unconstitutional, an injunction barring the state Elections Board from administering elections according to Chapter 3 of the Wisconsin Statutes, and, in the absence of an amended state law, establishment of a judicial plan of apportionment to make the state’s eight new congressional districts as nearly equal in population as practicable. (See id. at 13-14.) To be very clear, then, the plaintiffs do not address their complaint to any apportionment scheme the state legislature may enact in the future. Doing so obviously would fail the case or controversy test. See Illinois v. City of Chicago,
Complaints such as the one filed in this court are not uncommon.
Simply because an election law has become unconstitutional does not necessarily mean a federal court should step in to rewrite it, however. Indeed, the Supreme Court has been very clear in stating that “[a]bsent evidence that [the] state branches will fail timely to perform [their] duty [to enact redistricting legislation], a federal court must neither affirmatively obstruct state reapportionment nor permit federal litigation to be used to impede it.” Growe,
It might be suggested that instead of staying proceedings, the court should dismiss the case altogether for lack of standing or lack of “ripeness.” This is because the Wisconsin State Legislature itself may rewrite Chapter 8 of the Wisconsin Statutes before the start of the upcoming primary season, in which case the plaintiffs will not suffer any actual injury from the unconstitutionality of the
While the exact contours of the Article III case or controversy requirement may be indistinct at best, see Allen v. Wright,
The standing inquiry focuses on the parties. The key issue here is whether the plaintiff is a proper party to maintain the action — 'that is to say, whether the plaintiff who seeks to invoke the judicial power actually stands to profit in some personal interest. See Allen,
Courts consistently find that plaintiffs alleging injury to their voting rights have standing to bring suit. See Karlan, 71 Tex. L.Rev. at 1726-27. To achieve standing, all one needs to do is allege a “threat” that one’s voting rights may be diluted. See Department of Commerce v. United States House of Representatives,
In this case, the plaintiffs allege that as the law stands today, their voting rights will be diluted in the 2002 congressional elections. See discussion supra. They further allege that because of partisan division between the state senate and state assembly (and, presumably, the unusually political nature of redistricting), there is no reasonable prospect that the state legislature will be able to create a valid plan of apportionment before the Elections Board is required to prepare for the 2002 elections. (See Compl. at 11.) These are not unrealistic allegations. Prior to the 1992 election cycle, legislatures in twelve of the forty-three states facing redistricting failed to enact congressional reapportionment legislation.
To determine standing at the pleading stage, the court looks only to the actual pleadings. See Bennett v. Spear,
(It would not be necessary to decide whether appellants’ allegations of impairment of their votes by the 1901 apportionment will, ultimately, entitle them to any relief, in order to hold that they have standing to seek it. If such impairment does produce a legally cognizable injury, they are among those who have sustained it.).
Since the plaintiffs have met the “relatively modest” burden of alleging a realistic threat of imminent injury to their voting rights, Bennett,
A finding of standing does not end the court’s analysis, however. After concluding that the plaintiffs have alleged sufficient injury to ensure effective litigation- — that is to say, once standing has been established, see Baker,
This issue of jurisdictional ripeness was discussed at oral argument before the Su
The court begins its ripeness discussion by noting that contingent future events generally do not deprive courts of jurisdiction. Cf. Regional Rail Reorganization Act Cases,
must accept as true all well-pleaded factual allegations and must draw all reasonable inferences in favor of the plaintiff. At the same time, when evidence pertinent to subject matter jurisdiction has been submitted, ... the [ ] court may properly look beyond the jurisdictional allegations of the complaint ... to determine whether in fact subject matter jurisdiction exists)
(internal quotes and citations omitted).
Since the plaintiffs have alleged that the Elections Board will carry out its legislated duty to conduct elections according to Chapter 3 of the Wisconsin Statutes in a matter of months (see Compl. at 11) and that doing so will dilute their voting power, among other things (see id at 10, 12-13),
While the litigants themselves have failed to direct more than cursory attention to the issue, it has been discussed among the members of this panel that the Wisconsin Legislature likely will reapportion the State’s congressional districts on its own and that this likelihood makes the plaintiffs’ alleged harm too speculative truly to be “ripe.” This proposition is not without force. In Poe v. Ullman,
The short answer to the argument that the court should abstain (that is, dismiss) due to unlikeliness of enforcement is that the plaintiffs have alleged sufficient facts to show likely enforcement.
While the court might be tempted to dismiss the plaintiffs’ complaint and wait to see if the legislature enacts its own districting plan in a timely fashion, the question then would become “how long” must the court wait before allowing the plaintiffs to re-file. If the court were to retain jurisdiction, but merely stay proceedings, it could establish, under its docket-management powers, a time when it would take evidence and adopt its own plan if the legislature had by then failed to act. Cf. Growe,
An additional problem presenting itself to a court dismissing a redistricting case for ripeness reasons and establishing a date on which it may be re-filed is that any such deadline it would set for jurisdictional (as opposed to traditional docket-management) purposes would be arbitrary. The Supreme Court has stated that a challenge to a statute becomes ripe when litigants need to start preparing to comply with it. See New York v. United States,
Since there is a long history of Wisconsin officials enforcing Chapter 3 of the Wisconsin Statutes (in the 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, and 2000 congressional elections), the present lawsuit does not implicate a criminal law, and application of Poe-type abstention principles to a redistricting case such as the one at bar would present logistical problems, the majority of the court finds that the Poe doctrine does not prevent adjudication of the current lawsuit.
Another type of abstention, “Pullman abstention,” see Railroad Comm’n of Texas v. Pullman Co.,
While not specifically analyzing issues of ripeness as the panel has here, previous courts faced with arguably premature redistricting lawsuits have retained jurisdiction, but entered stays so the state legislatures could act. See, e.g., Scott,
Boiled down to the bare essentials, there is a case or controversy in this case because Wisconsin’s current apportionment law is unconstitutional, see Kirkpatrick,
Although the majority of the court concludes that the plaintiffs’ complaint states a case or controversy for constitutional jurisdictional purposes, our dissenting colleague is quite right in noting that it suffers a small statutory jurisdictional defect — the naming of an improper defendant. As it is a state agency and not a person, the Wisconsin Elections Board is not suable under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, which provides only for liability against “person[s]” who, under color of state law, deprive others of the rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution of the United States. See, e.g., Will v. Michigan Dep’t of State Police,
Still, as discussed supra at 8, comity requires that the court refrain from initiating redistricting proceedings with the remaining parties until the appropriate state bodies have attempted — and failed — to do so on their own. See Growe,
In the meantime, the motions to intervene, which are unopposed, will be granted, see Fed.R.Civ.P. 24(a), and the court will schedule a status/planning conference with counsel for the parties for the purpose of creating an administrative plan for further proceedings.
Accordingly,
IT IS ORDERED that defendant Wisconsin Elections Board be and the same is hereby DISMISSED from the present action;
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that defendant Wisconsin Elections Board be and the same shall be REMOVED from the case caption. With that exception, and in the absence of any further amendments with respect to named parties, any future documents filed shall bear the case caption as used above in this order;
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that in-tervenor plaintiffs James R. Baumgart, Roger M. Breske, Brian T. Burke, Charles J. Chvala, Russell S. Decker, Jon Erpen-bach, Gary R. George, Richard Grob-schmidt, Dave Hansen, Robert Jauch, Mark Meyer, Rodney Moen, Gwendolynne S. Moore, Kimberly Piache, Fred A. Ris-ser, Judy Robson, Kevin W. Shibilski, and Robert D. Wirch’s motion to intervene be and the same is hereby GRANTED. The proposed complaint, in the form as submitted to the court on February 5, 2001, may be filed within ten days from the date of this order;
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that on or before December 19, 2001, counsel for the plaintiffs shall prepare and file with the court, after consultation with all parties, a proposal regarding the schedule and administrative plan for the efficient judicial processing of this action. If there are disagreements regarding the proposal, such disagreements shall be specifically noted and accompanied by a statement detailing the parties’ positions on the disagreements. Plaintiffs’ counsel shall prepare materials responsive to the preceding sentence after consultation with counsel for the other parties;
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that on Monday, January 7, 2002, at 3:30 p.m., the court will conduct a status/planning conference in Courtroom 284 of the United States Courthouse, 517 East Wisconsin Avenue, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Counsel for each party shall telephone the court at least two business days prior to the conference to inform the court as to who will be appearing for that party; and
IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that all substantive judicial proceedings in this action be and the same are hereby STAYED until February 1, 2002, or until further order of the court.
Notes
. While Wisconsin’s population increased 9.2% over its 1990 levels, it did not increase as much as the population in several other states. This relative disparity in growth caused some states (such as Wisconsin) to lose representatives after apportionment of the 435 representatives, and other states to gain.
. Wis. Stat. § 3.001 (1999-2000) reads:
Based on the certified official results of the 1990 census of population (statewide total: 4,891,769) and the allocation thereunder of congressional representation to this state, the state is divided into 9 congressional districts as nearly equal in population as practicable. Each congressional district, containing approximately 543,530 persons, shall be entitled to elect one representative in the congress of the United States.
Additional sections of Wisconsin Statutes, Chapter 3, apportion the residents of the state of Wisconsin to specific geographic districts.
.Procedurally, the Clerk of Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin randomly assigned the case to Judge Reynolds immediately upon its filing on February 1, 2001. Noting the plaintiffs’ invocation of 28 U.S.C. § 2284 (which calls for three-judge panels in legislative apportionment litigation), Judge Reynolds contacted Judge Flaum on February 2, 2001, to request the assignment of two additional judges. Acting pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2284(b)(1), Judge Flaum randomly assigned Judges Easterbrook and Stadtmuel-ler to the case on February 5, 2001.
. Article III, Section 2 of the United States Constitution limits the jurisdiction of federal courts to "cases” and "controversies,” preventing courts from engaging in premature review of issues.
. Indeed, following the 1980 census, federal courts oversaw roughly one-third of all congressional and state legislative redistricting; following the 1990 census, there was redistricting litigation in forty-one of the fifty states. Note, Federal Court Involvement in Redistricting Litigation, 114 Harv. L.Rev. 878, 879 (2001).
. The plaintiffs, however, have questioned the likelihood of this eventuality, noting that the Wisconsin State Legislature failed during the past two redistricting cycles (in the 1980s and the 1990s) to redistrict successfully the state legislative districts (though not federal congressional districts) and that the political division between the state senate (controlled by Democrats) and the state assembly (controlled by Republicans) may make it difficult for compromise to be reached on either the state or federal legislative districts. (See Compl. at 11.)
. Standing and ripeness are both considered constitutional requirements, see Bennett v. Spear,
. The states that failed to enact congressional reapportionment plans legislatively were Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Kansas, Michigan, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. Alaska, Delaware, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming are each represented in Congress by one at-large representative and therefore have no congressional districts to reapportion.
. "MR. TURNHEIM [appellant’s attorney]: ... I would like to focus on the proper role of the Federal courts in the unique context of the decennial responsibility of redrawing the election districts within the boundaries of the States .... If there is a redistricting challenge in the state courts, if there is such a challenge, the Federal Court should abstain in favor of the State court action just as it must defer to the legislature.
QUESTION: Well, Mr. Turnheim, I guess at least Scott v. Germano says that the Federal district court should set a timetable for the State action.
MR. TURNHEIM: Yes.
QUESTION: Do you concede that it is the role of the Federal court to do that much?
MR. TURNHEIM: It — yes, I do, Your Hon- or. The Federal Court should under the rule retain jurisdiction to ensure that all constitutional and statutory provisions are adhered to by the State in the process.”
. Arguably, however, one might read the passage at
. See discussion in note 16 for non-analogous cases where jurisdiction was, in fact, discussed.
. Aside from dilution of voting strength, the plaintiffs allege the following:
The malapportionment of the state’s congressional districts harms the plaintiffs (and others). Until valid redistricting occurs, they cannot know in which congressional district they will reside and vote, nor do they have the ability to hold their congressional representative accountable for his or her conduct in office:
A. Citizens who desire to influence the views of members of Congress or candidates for that office are not able to communicate their concerns effectively as citizens because members of Congress or candidates may not be held accountable to those citizens as voters in the next election;
B. Potential candidates for Congress will not come forward until they know the borders of the districts in which they, as residents of the district, could seek office;
C. Citizens who desire to communicate with and contribute financially to a candidate for Congress who will represent them, a right guaranteed by the First Amendment, are hindered from doing so until districts are correctly apportioned; and
D. Citizens’ rights are compromised because of the inability of candidates to campaign effectively and provide a meaningful election choice.
(Compl. at 12-13.)
. It is worth noting that the state of Wisconsin has never disavowed its intention to enforce Section 3 of the Wisconsin Statutes. In Poe, by contrast, the state of Connecticut had long indicated its intent not to enforce the statute at bar. See
. Parenthetically, the court notes that the plaintiffs in this case have alleged that they are unable to prepare for the upcoming elections. They claim that they would like to communicate with and contribute financially to congressional candidates who may represent them but, due to the present uncertainty of district boundaries, are unable to identify appropriate candidates. (See Compl. at 13.)
. The court in Flateau v. Anderson, which stayed its hand to allow the state legislature to act, did analyze its jurisdiction under concepts of ripeness, see
. It should again be noted that the issue of jurisdictional ripeness was debated at oral argument in Growe. Further, the Supreme Court has indicated that Article III jurisdiction is determined, in part, by "traditional” notions of justiciability. Allen,
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting.
This complaint must be dismissed. It does not present a case or controversy within the meaning of Article III, and it also encounters problems of statutory authority. I start with the latter, which can be fixed in a way that the Article III problem cannot be.
The complaint, filed under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 (and requiring a three-judge district court under 28 U.S.C. § 2284(a)), names as defendants Wisconsin’s Elections Board, plus all of its members (plus its executive director) in their official capacities. Yet we know from Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona,
Today Wisconsin has nine members in the House of Representatives. As a result of the 2000 Census, it is entitled to elect only eight in 2002. This suit was filed immediately after the apportionment of
The majority does not disagree with any of these points but nonetheless thinks that there is a live controversy. Because this is in part an issue of timing, they look to ripeness doctrine and observe that a case may be held until it becomes ripe for decision. See, e.g., Buckley v. Valeo,
This suit, as it stands, is equivalent to asking the judicial branch to enjoin implementation of a state pollution control plan that the EPA has canceled and that can’t be enforced without the agency’s cooperation (as representatives can’t be seated in Congress without its approval). A suit might lie against the EPA by someone wanting to revivify the state plan, but no plaintiff would have standing to ask the judiciary to drive a second stake through the plan’s heart. One death is enough. This lawsuit is governed by that principle. Judicial action in February 2001 (or today) would be redundant and thus advisory in the most basic sense.
It is unhelpful to observe that the existing nine districts have had population shifts that render them malapportioned on the one-person-one-vote standard. My colleagues rely on law review commentary for the proposition that every Census makes all legislative districts automatically unconstitutional and thus creates an Article III controversy right out of the box in every state, before the legislature has had a chance to act. I have my doubts about
This suit therefore must be dismissed. A new suit, filed after the legislature enacts a plan with constitutional flaws (or fails to act in time to allow a valid election next year) could present a real controversy. But this suit was dead on arrival and cannot be called to life by later developments — either in the legislature or by intervention of persons who want to contest the way in which the state legislature is apportioned. Therefore I shall take no further part in the consideration or decision of No. 01-C-121, though if a new complaint is filed (concerning either state or federal elections) Chief Judge Flaum may elect to appoint the same three-member panel so that the litigation can proceed. But unless a fresh suit is filed, this has become a two-judge court, and whatever it does may end up being vacated by higher authority on Article III grounds. Would it not have been vastly superior for prudential, as well as jurisdictional, reasons to junk this bit of “instant litigation” and wait for a real controversy?
