In this school desegregation case, the Fort Worth Branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) appeals the district court’s order declaring the Fort Worth Independent School District (FWISD) “unitary in every respect, except for the existence of a homogeneous student population.”
(Flax v. Potts,
I
Because our most recent opinion in this litigation comprehensively related the facts and proceedings in the thirty years from filing to termination of busing, we see no need to repeat that narrative. 1 To bring it up to date, however, we provide the facts and proceedings bearing only on this latest dispute. 2
In 1988 when it resolved the busing issue, the district court indicated that it intended to reexamine the entire desegregation plan.
See Flax v. Potts,
In its July 26, 1988, order, the district court also scheduled a hearing on both the FWISD motion for a declaration of unitary status and the plaintiffs’ and intervenors’ motions for additional modifications to the desegregation plan. On April 12-13 and 17-20, 1989, the court held an evidentiary hearing on the motion to declare the FWISD unitary.
3
Its Memorandum Opinion and Order, entered on Sept. 27, 1989, declared “that the former dual school system has been dismantled and that the vestiges of de jure segregation have been removed ‘root and branch.’ ”
Flax v. Potts,
II
Unitariness is a finding of fact which we review under the clearly erroneous standard.
Ross v. Houston Indep. School Dist.,
In a unitary school district, “schools are not identifiable by race[,] and students and faculty are assigned in a manner that eliminates the vestiges of past segregation.”
Monteilh v. St. Landry Parish School Bd.,
On appeal the NAACP claims that the “totality of deficiencies” within the FWISD indicates that the system is not yet a unitary one. The NAACP challenges the district court’s findings on student, faculty, and staff assignments. It also argues that the FWISD’s practice of building too many new schools in black neighborhoods, when the District knows that these schools will be more than 98% one-race schools, causes racial imbalance.
Totality of Deficiencies
Before we turn to those individual aspects of the unitariness question which the NAACP raises, we address the NAACP’s charge that the “totality of deficiencies” in the desegregation plan precludes a finding of unitary status. The NAACP’s contention resembles that which this circuit and the tenth and first circuits have explicitly rejected—that a school system cannot achieve unitary status incrementally.
United States v. Overton,
This circuit has addressed the issue of achieving unitary status incrementally on at least two occasions. In
Overton,
Decisions in the tenth and first circuits reinforce our conclusion. Earlier this year the Tenth Circuit also held that achieving unitary status incrementally is possible.
Keyes,
The First Circuit stated that the Supreme Court’s decision in
Pasadena City Bd. of Educ. v. Spangler,
Spangler
addressed “the extent of a district court’s authority in imposing a plan designed to achieve a unitary school system.”
Id.
at 429,
We agree with the Tenth Circuit’s reasoning in
Keyes,
On the basis of the foregoing principles, we reject the plaintiffs’ contention that the totality of deficiencies prevents the FWISD’s achieving unitary status and requires the court to suspend implementing the Youngblood probationary period. If, as in this case, a “deficiency” is not so serious as to render nonunitary a particular aspect of a district’s policies, such as student assignments, then the sum of such non-serious deficiencies, no one or more of which renders a particular aspect nonunitary, will usually not render the overall desegregation plan nonunitary. Nevertheless, we do recognize the possibility that the cumulative effect of all deficiencies, of which no one alone or no combination of less than all renders an aspect nonunitary, may render the overall plan nonunitary. Such is not the situation in this case.
Student Assignments
The FWISD is the third largest school district in Texas and among the fifty largest school districts in the country.
Flax,
For the school year 1988-89, the record reveals that the student population was 68,422, of whom 24,343 (35.6%) were white; 24,317 (35.6%), black; 18,003 (26.3%), Hispanic; and 1,655 (2.4%), Asian. In 1988 the FWISD had 105 schools,
Flax,
Although its brief is unclear on this point, the NAACP charges that seven schools are direct vestiges of the dual system because they have token white students. 5 The NAACP also states that while the FWISD has 12 high schools, 68% of all black students attend 4 high schools in black neighborhoods. It claims that majority-to-minority transfers do not work because parents prefer to send their children to the “new school,” 6 and that sending black students from predominantly white Southwest High School to predominantly black O.D. Wyatt High School also perpetuates the dual system. The NAACP also claims that the magnet programs do not work because only 2,500 out of 66,000 students attend them; 7 that in these programs, which are located in predominantly black schools, white magnet school students are isolated from the general student population; and that magnet students also have a separate graduating class within the school. Finally, the NAACP posits that the FWISD has taken steps “indirectly to affirmatively insure” that schools become more segregated “by allowing too many new schools to be build [sic] in the black communities, all the time knowing these schools will continue to be more than ninety-eight percent ‘one’ race schools.”
The Supreme Court has stated that “the constitutional command to desegregate schools does not mean that every school in every community must always reflect the racial composition of the school system as a whole.”
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. of Educ.,
The district court found that in 14 of the 98 schools in the district the student popu *161 lations are more than 80% black. The NAACP targets 7 schools which it claims have only token white students. We must, therefore, address whether a student population of 80% renders those schools one-race schools 8 and, if so, whether 14 out of 98 schools constitutes an impermissibly large number of one-race schools.
In determining whether school officials and courts have attacked the lingering effects of discrimination with all the weapons which their authority entitles them to employ, we recognize that not only is each district unique, but also that conditions in each district largely determine the remedies necessary to eradicate discrimination.
See Ross,
To eliminate the vestiges of past discrimination in student assignments, the district court in this case has required the FWISD to institute a full panoply of remedial measures which comply with the principles that the Supreme Court prescribed in
Swann,
Drawing on its lengthy experience with the circumstances of this case, the district court concluded that these exhaustive measures have succeeded in removing the vestiges of the dual system. It characterized as “essentially uncontroverted” the evidence offered at the unitary status hearing that the FWISD had eliminated all vestiges of discrimination.
Flax,
During the quarter-century in which the FWISD has been implementing various desegregation plans, residential living patterns in Fort Worth and in Tarrant County have changed dramatically. The record shows that the population of Fort Worth decreased by 2V2% between 1970 and 1980, that the population was 393,455 in 1970 and 383,000 in 1980; and that the population of Tarrant County increased by about 20% during the same period. The record also reflects that during the same period white enrollment in the FWISD dropped dramatically; that more than 33,000 fewer white students were enrolled in the district in 1984 than in 1968.
The changes in housing patterns are not the result of the District’s efforts to foster segregation. Because those changes occurred during the life of
*162
the desegregation plan, they are reactions to that plan — to the extent that they are not reactions to other social and economic factors.
See Ross,
Moreover, recent indications that residential patterns in Fort Worth are stabilizing encourages this court as they did the district court. The district court found that natural integration is occurring in once all-white residential neighborhoods. Consequently, minority enrollment in schools in eleven neighborhoods where cluster busing once occurred is now increasing. Furthermore, the record confirms that between October 1987 and October 1988, enrollment increased by one thousand students, and that enrollments for 1988-89 showed that students returning to the public schools from private schools were doing so in ethnic proportions comparable to those in previous enrollment.
The district court’s omitting from its orders any requirements to diminish the racial identifiability of the schools in which the black student population exceeded 80% suggests that these schools were complying with the court’s desegregation orders. The absence of such requirements also reinforces the court’s conclusion that any segregation then existing resulted from residential housing patterns and not from the former dual school system. Finally, as the district court observed, this court in
Ross
did not reverse a finding of unitariness when 55 out of 226 schools in Houston had a black student population which exceeded 90%. Even if the FWISD could devise a plan that would spread white students equally among all the schools, 61.9% of the students in each school would still be black and Hispanic.
Cf. Ross,
In the face of the foregoing observations, we cannot say that the district court was clearly erroneous in concluding that the one-race schools remaining in Fort Worth were the product of dramatic shifts *163 in housing patterns and not, more perniciously, of the former dual school system.
New School Construction
On the constructing of new schools, the NAACP merely charges that the FWISD is constructing too many in black neighborhoods when it knows that these schools will continue to be more than 98% one-race schools. This charge is without merit. During this prolonged litigation, the district court has on several occasions considered how new school construction would affect desegregation.
See, e.g., Flax,
In its order of September 27, 1989, the district court again found that “[a]ll discrimination in ... school facilities was eliminated with the implementation of the so-called ‘stair-step’ plan in 1967. No credible evidence was produced at the April 12, 1989[,] hearing which would suggest that any vestige of discrimination currently exists in these areas.”
Flax,
Faculty and Staff Assignments
The district court concluded that “[a]ll phases of hiring and assigning faculty and staff are free of discrimination on the basis of race in the FWISD.” Id. at 329. It added that the record is “uncontroverted that since 1971 the FWISD has maintained faculty and staff assignments at each school which reflect the racial composition of teachers and principals district-wide.” Id. The court rejected the NAACP’s testimony about a racial imbalance in assignments at some schools because that testimony “appeared to be based on erroneous information.” Id. at 330. Finally, the court found that the racial composition of key supervisory positions in the FWISD indicated that the administrative hierarchy is “well-integrated.” Id. at 326.
The FWISD acknowledges that six schools in the district do not comply with the required ratio of blaek-to-white faculty members. It argues, however, that a change in the race of only one or two teachers would restore the ratio. While noting that the FWISD has not achieved the “arduous employment goals” which it set itself, the district court also acknowledged that “fierce competition” for a diminishing pool of minority-race teachers made achieving that goal difficult. Id.
Given the facts which the district court found and our own examination of the evidence on the record, we see no reason to disturb the court’s finding that the FWISD has eliminated all discrimination in hiring and assigning faculty and staff. We do note, however, that before the district court dismisses the case at the end of the three-year Youngblood period, that court will again have an opportunity to consider whether the FWISD has tried to do all that it could to rectify'any imbalance in teacher ratios.
Finally, the district court has also promised the appellants that it will carefully monitor black student performance on achievement tests during the Youngblood period and certainly before it dismisses the case. Id. at 330.
Conclusion
Considering the district court’s finding that the FWISD was unitary in every aspect but the existence of a homogeneous student population; that the FWISD had made intensive efforts to eliminate one-race schools; and that further measures would be both impractical and detrimental to education, we conclude that the district court did not err in declaring that the FWISD had eradicated all the vestiges of the former dual school system and had replaced it with a unitary one.
For all the foregoing reasons, we AFFIRM and REMAND to the district court *164 for further proceedings in accordance with this opinion.
Notes
.
Flax v. Potts,
. Order dated March 2, 1988,
Flax v. Potts,
Civil Action No. 4205-E (inviting parties to submit desired modifications as proposed amendments to desegregation plan); Memorandum Opinion and Order dated July 26, 1988,
Flax v. Potts,
Civil Action No. 4205-E (concerning quality funds, boundary lines, attendance zones, black-to-white faculty ratios, variance in faculty ratio requirements, evidentiary hearing on unitary status and modifications to desegregation plan); Memorandum Opinion and Order dated Sept. 27, 1989,
Flax v. Potts,
.The Mexican-American intervenors did not oppose a declaration of unitary status.
. At the unitary status hearing on April 12, 1989, "the assistant superintendent for elementary and second grade” education in the FWISD, Dr. E.D. Powell, testified that the system had 102 operating schools.
. The NAACP’s brief is unclear as to the precise number of schools involved. It states—
These schools are James E. Guinn and East Van Zandt, combined into a new school further in the black community, now named Van-Zandt-Guinn. Riverside Elementary renamed Versis Williams school has the same address that it had in 1953-1954 under the "dual system". Dunbar Elementary renamed Logan Elementary, Dunbar Elementary-Junior on Willie Street is now Dunbar Fifth-Sixth Center, Dunbar Middle school, Dunbar High School, new schools build [sic] and Como all existed back in 1953-54 under the “Negro schools".
(record references omitted). The record suggests that the phrase “new schools buil[t]” refers to new Dunbar Middle and High Schools.
. Once again the brief is unclear. It does not specify which "parents” or which "new school.”
. Thirteen schools have magnet programs — 4 in elementary schools; 5 in middle schools; 4 in high schools; and none in white plurality schools.
. Courts have accepted that, depending on circumstances, different percentages may define a school as a one-race school.
See Davis v. East Baton Rouge Parish School Bd.,
. Because we hold that the district court did not err in declaring that the FWISD had eradicated all vestiges of the dual system and that further measures to eliminate the remaining one-race schools would be impractical, we note that the district court did not prematurely conclude that residential patterns could constitute legal cause for racial imbalance in the schools.
See Lee v. Macon County Bd. of Educ.,
. The NAACP states that this case is similar to the
Yonkers
case. Though its brief never fully cites the
Yonkers
case, we presume that the NAACP means
United States v. Yonkers Bd. of Educ.,
Two critical facts in particular distinguish the cases. First, the Yonkers city council "had fiscal control of the Board’s operations.”
Yonkers,
For twenty years the Yonkers city council’s decisions had confined low-income housing to areas which minorities already heavily populated. Id. at 1233. When the school board superimposed its neighborhood-school policy upon the City’s segregated housing policy, racially identifiable schools resulted and segregation in the schools increased. Id. at 1233.
In this case, the record does not contain any allegations of collusion between the city council and FWISD. Nothing on the record indicates that the city council in Fort Worth controls the school district’s budget, with the authority to approve it line by line as the Yonkers city council had. The mayor does not appoint the Trustees of the FWISD; they are elected. The record also does not contain any history of segregative housing policies on the part of the city council.
