ARKANSAS EDUCATIONAL TELEVISION COMMISSION v. FORBES
No. 96-779
Supreme Court of the United States
Argued October 8, 1997—Decided May 18, 1998
523 U.S. 666
Richard D. Marks argued the cause for petitioner. With him on the briefs was Alden L. Atkins.
Deputy Solicitor General Wallace argued the cause for the Federal Communications Commission et al. as amici curiae urging reversal. With him on the briefs were Acting Solicitor General Dellinger, Jonathan E. Nuechterlein, William E. Kennard, Christopher J. Wright, Daniel M. Armstrong, and C. Grey Pash, Jr.
Kelly Shackelford argued the cause for respondent. With him on the briefs was John W. Whitehead.*
*Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the State of California et al. by Daniel E. Lungren, Attorney General of California, Roderick E. Walston, Chief Assistant Attorney General, Charles W. Getz IV, Assistant Attorney General, Edna Walz, Deputy Attorney General, and Daniel Schweitzer, and by the Attorneys General for their respective States as follows: William H. Pryor, Jr., of Alabama, Grant Woods of Arizona, Gale A. Norton of Colorado, Robert A. Butterworth of Florida, Michael J. Bowers of Georgia, Alan G. Lance of Idaho, Carla J. Stovall of Kansas, Richard P. Ieyoub of Louisiana, Mike Moore of Mississippi, Joseph P. Mazurek of Montana, Frankie Sue Del Papa of Nevada, Philip T. McLaughlin of New Hampshire, Michael F. Easley of North Carolina, Betty D. Montgomery of Ohio, W. A. Drew Edmondson of Oklahoma, Hardy Myers of Oregon, William H. Sorrell of Vermont, and William U. Hill of Wyoming, for the City of New York by Paul A. Crotty and Leonard J. Koerner; for the Association of America’s Public Television
Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for the American Civil Liberties Union et al. by Marjorie Heins and Steven R. Shapiro; for the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law by Philip Allen Lacovara; for Greens/Green Party USA by John C. Klotz; for Eugene McCarthy et al. by Arthur D. Goldstein; for the Natural Law Party of the United States by Jay B. Marcus; for the Pacific Legal Foundation by Sharon L. Browne and Deborah J. La Fetra; and for Perot ’96 by Jamin B. Raskin and R. Clayton Mulford.
Peter Verniero, Attorney General, and Joseph L. Yannotti, Assistant Attorney General, filed a brief for the State of New Jersey as amicus curiae.
JUSTICE KENNEDY delivered the opinion of the Court.
A state-owned public television broadcaster sponsored a candidate debate from which it excluded an independent candidate with little popular support. The issue before us is whether, by reason of its state ownership, the station had a constitutional obligation to allow every candidate access to the debate. We conclude that, unlike most other public television programs, the candidate debate was subject to constitutional constraints applicable to nonpublic fora under our forum precedents. Even so, the broadcaster’s decision to exclude the candidate was a reasonable, viewpoint-neutral exercise of journalistic discretion.
I
Petitioner, the Arkansas Educational Television Commission (AETC), is an Arkansas state agency owning and operating a network of five noncommercial television stations (Arkansas Educational Television Network or AETN). The eight members of AETC are appointed by the Governor for 8-year terms and are removable only for good cause.
In the spring of 1992, AETC staff began planning a series of debates between candidates for federal office in the November 1992 elections. AETC decided to televise a total of five debates, scheduling one for the Senate election and one for each of the four congressional elections in Arkansas. Working in close consultation with Bill Simmons, Arkansas Bureau Chief for the Associated Press, AETC staff developed a debate format allowing about 53 minutes during each 1-hour debate for questions to and answers by the candidates. Given the time constraint, the staff and Simmons “decided to limit participation in the debates to the major party candidates or any other candidate who had strong popular support.” Record, Affidavit of Bill Simmons ¶ 5.
On June 17, 1992, AETC invited the Republican and Democratic candidates for Arkansas’ Third Congressional District to participate in the AETC debate for that seat. Two months later, after obtaining the 2,000 signatures required by Arkansas law, see
On October 19, 1992, Forbes filed suit against AETC, seeking injunctive and declaratory relief as well as damages. Forbes claimed he was entitled to participate in the debate under both the First Amendment and
Sitting en banc, the Court of Appeals affirmed the dismissal of Forbes’ statutory claim, holding that he had failed to exhaust his administrative remedies. The court reversed, however, the dismissal of Forbes’ First Amendment claim. Observing that AETC is a state actor, the court held Forbes had “a qualified right of access created by AETN’s sponsorship of a debate, and that AETN must have [had] a legitimate reason to exclude him strong enough to survive First Amendment scrutiny.” Forbes v. Arkansas Ed. Television Network Foundation, 22 F. 3d 1423, 1428 (CA8), cert. denied, 513 U. S. 995 (1994), 514 U. S. 1110 (1995). Because AETC had not yet filed an answer to Forbes’ complaint, it had not given any reason for excluding him from the debate, and the Court of Appeals remanded the action for further proceedings.
On remand, the District Court found as a matter of law that the debate was a nonpublic forum, and the issue became whether Forbes’ views were the reason for his exclusion. At trial, AETC professional staff testified Forbes was excluded because he lacked any campaign organization, had not generated appreciable voter support, and was not regarded as a serious candidate by the press covering the election. The jury made express findings that AETC’s decision to ex-
The Court of Appeals again reversed. The court acknowledged that AETC’s decision to exclude Forbes “was made in good faith” and was “exactly the kind of journalistic judgment routinely made by newspeople.” 93 F. 3d 497, 505 (CA8 1996). The court asserted, nevertheless, that AETC had “opened its facilities to a particular group—candidates running for the Third District Congressional seat.” Id., at 504. AETC’s action, the court held, made the debate a public forum, to which all candidates “legally qualified to appear on the ballot” had a presumptive right of access. Ibid. Applying strict scrutiny, the court determined that AETC’s assessment of Forbes’ “political viability” was neither a “compelling nor [a] narrowly tailored” reason for excluding him from the debate. Id., at 504–505.
A conflict with the decision of the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit in Chandler v. Georgia Public Telecommunications Comm’n, 917 F. 2d 486 (1990), cert. denied, 502 U. S. 816 (1991), together with the manifest importance of the case, led us to grant certiorari. 520 U. S. 1114 (1997). We now reverse.
II
Forbes has long since abandoned his statutory claims under
Having first arisen in the context of streets and parks, the public forum doctrine should not be extended in a mechanical
Congress has rejected the argument that “broadcast facilities should be open on a nonselective basis to all persons wishing to talk about public issues.” Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc. v. Democratic National Committee, 412 U. S. 94, 105 (1973). Instead, television broadcasters enjoy the “widest journalistic freedom” consistent with their public responsibilities. Id., at 110; FCC v. League of Women Voters of Cal., 468 U. S. 364, 378 (1984). Among the broadcaster’s responsibilities is the duty to schedule programming that serves the “public interest, convenience, and necessity.”
As a general rule, the nature of editorial discretion counsels against subjecting broadcasters to claims of viewpoint discrimination. Programming decisions would be particularly vulnerable to claims of this type because even principled exclusions rooted in sound journalistic judgment can often be characterized as viewpoint based. To comply with their obligation to air programming that serves the public interest, broadcasters must often choose among speakers expressing different viewpoints. “That editors—newspaper or broadcast—can and do abuse this power is beyond doubt,”
When a public broadcaster exercises editorial discretion in the selection and presentation of its programming, it engages in speech activity. Cf. Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. FCC, 512 U. S. 622, 636 (1994) (“Through ’original programming or by exercising editorial discretion over which stations or programs to include in its repertoire,’ cable programmers and operators ’see[k] to communicate messages on a wide variety of topics and in a wide variety of formats’“) (quoting Los Angeles v. Preferred Communications, Inc., 476 U. S. 488, 494 (1986)). Although programming decisions often involve the compilation of the speech of third parties, the decisions nonetheless constitute communicative acts. See Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Group of Boston, Inc., 515 U. S. 557, 570 (1995) (a speaker need not “generate, as an original matter, each item featured in the communication“).
Claims of access under our public forum precedents could obstruct the legitimate purposes of television broadcasters. Were the doctrine given sweeping application in this context, courts “would be required to oversee far more of the day-to-day operations of broadcasters’ conduct, deciding such questions as whether a particular individual or group has had sufficient opportunity to present its viewpoint and whether a particular viewpoint has already been sufficiently aired.” Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc., supra, at 127. “The
In the absence of any congressional command to “[r]egimen[t] broadcasters” in this manner, id., at 127, we are disinclined to do so through doctrines of our own design. This is not to say the First Amendment would bar the legislative imposition of neutral rules for access to public broadcasting. Instead, we say that, in most cases, the First Amendment of its own force does not compel public broadcasters to allow third parties access to their programming.
Although public broadcasting as a general matter does not lend itself to scrutiny under the forum doctrine, candidate debates present the narrow exception to the rule. For two reasons, a candidate debate like the one at issue here is different from other programming. First, unlike AETC’s other broadcasts, the debate was by design a forum for political speech by the candidates. Consistent with the long tradition of candidate debates, the implicit representation of the broadcaster was that the views expressed were those of the candidates, not its own. The very purpose of the debate was to allow the candidates to express their views with minimal intrusion by the broadcaster. In this respect the debate differed even from a political talk show, whose host can express partisan views and then limit the discussion to those ideas.
Second, in our tradition, candidate debates are of exceptional significance in the electoral process. “[I]t is of particular importance that candidates have the . . . opportunity to make their views known so that the electorate may intelligently evaluate the candidates’ personal qualities and their
As we later discuss, in many cases it is not feasible for the broadcaster to allow unlimited access to a candidate debate. Yet the requirement of neutrality remains; a broadcaster cannot grant or deny access to a candidate debate on the basis of whether it agrees with a candidate’s views. Viewpoint discrimination in this context would present not a “[c]alculated ris[k],” Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc., supra, at 125, but an inevitability of skewing the electoral dialogue.
The special characteristics of candidate debates support the conclusion that the AETC debate was a forum of some type. The question of what type must be answered by reference to our public forum precedents, to which we now turn.
III
Forbes argues, and the Court of Appeals held, that the debate was a public forum to which he had a First Amendment right of access. Under our precedents, however, the debate was a nonpublic forum, from which AETC could exclude Forbes in the reasonable, viewpoint-neutral exercise of its journalistic discretion.
A
For our purposes, it will suffice to employ the categories of speech fora already established and discussed in our cases. “[T]he Court [has] identified three types of fora: the traditional public forum, the public forum created by government designation, and the nonpublic forum.” Cornelius v. NAACP Legal Defense & Ed. Fund, Inc., 473 U. S. 788, 802 (1985). Traditional public fora are defined by the objective characteristics of the property, such as whether, “by long tradition or by government fiat,” the property has been “devoted to assembly and debate.” Perry Ed. Assn., 460 U. S., at 45. The government can exclude a speaker from a traditional public forum “only when the exclusion is necessary to serve a compelling state interest and the exclusion is narrowly drawn to achieve that interest.” Cornelius, supra, at 800.
Designated public fora, in contrast, are created by purposeful governmental action. “The government does not create a [designated] public forum by inaction or by permitting limited discourse, but only by intentionally opening a nontraditional public forum for public discourse.” 473 U. S., at 802; accord, International Soc. for Krishna Consciousness, Inc. v. Lee, 505 U. S. 672, 678 (1992) (ISKCON) (designated public forum is “property that the State has opened for expressive activity by part or all of the public“). Hence “the Court has looked to the policy and practice of the government to ascertain whether it intended to designate a place not traditionally open to assembly and debate as a public forum.” Cornelius, 473 U. S., at 802. If the government excludes a speaker who falls within the class to which a designated public forum is made generally available, its action is subject to strict scrutiny. Ibid.; United States v. Kokinda, 497 U. S. 720, 726–727 (1990) (plurality opinion of O’CONNOR, J.).
Other government properties are either nonpublic fora or not fora at all. ISKCON, supra, at 678–679. The government can restrict access to a nonpublic forum “as long
In summary, traditional public fora are open for expressive activity regardless of the government’s intent. The objective characteristics of these properties require the government to accommodate private speakers. The government is free to open additional properties for expressive use by the general public or by a particular class of speakers, thereby creating designated public fora. Where the property is not a traditional public forum and the government has not chosen to create a designated public forum, the property is either a nonpublic forum or not a forum at all.
B
The parties agree the AETC debate was not a traditional public forum. The Court has rejected the view that traditional public forum status extends beyond its historic confines, see ISKCON, 505 U. S., at 680–681; and even had a more expansive conception of traditional public fora been adopted, see, e. g., id., at 698–699 (KENNEDY, J., concurring in judgments), the almost unfettered access of a traditional public forum would be incompatible with the programming dictates a television broadcaster must follow. See supra, at 673–675. The issue, then, is whether the debate was a designated public forum or a nonpublic forum.
Under our precedents, the AETC debate was not a designated public forum. To create a forum of this type, the government must intend to make the property “generally available,” Widmar v. Vincent, 454 U. S. 263, 264 (1981), to a class of speakers. Accord, Cornelius, supra, at 802. In Widmar, for example, a state university created a public forum for registered student groups by implementing a policy that expressly made its meeting facilities “generally open” to such groups. 454 U. S., at 267; accord, Perry, supra, at 45 (desig-
“In contrast to the general access policy in Widmar, school board policy did not grant general access to the school mail system. The practice was to require permission from the individual school principal before access to the system to communicate with teachers was granted.” 473 U. S., at 803.
And in Cornelius itself, the Court held the Combined Federal Campaign (CFC) charity drive was not a designated public forum because “[t]he Government’s consistent policy ha[d] been to limit participation in the CFC to ’appropriate’ [i. e., charitable rather than political] voluntary agencies and to require agencies seeking admission to obtain permission from federal and local Campaign officials.” Id., at 804.
These cases illustrate the distinction between “general access,” id., at 803, which indicates the property is a designated public forum, and “selective access,” id., at 805, which indicates the property is a nonpublic forum. On one hand, the government creates a designated public forum when it makes its property generally available to a certain class of speakers, as the university made its facilities generally available to student groups in Widmar. On the other hand, the government does not create a designated public forum when it does no more than reserve eligibility for access to the forum to a particular class of speakers, whose members must then, as individuals, “obtain permission,” 473 U. S., at 804, to use it. For instance, the Federal Government did not create a designated public forum in Cornelius
The Cornelius distinction between general and selective access furthers First Amendment interests. By recognizing the distinction, we encourage the government to open its property to some expressive activity in cases where, if faced with an all-or-nothing choice, it might not open the property at all. That this distinction turns on governmental intent does not render it unprotective of speech. Rather, it reflects the reality that, with the exception of traditional public fora, the government retains the choice of whether to designate its property as a forum for specified classes of speakers.
Here, the debate did not have an open-microphone format. Contrary to the assertion of the Court of Appeals, AETC did not make its debate generally available to candidates for Arkansas’ Third Congressional District seat. Instead, just as the Federal Government in Cornelius reserved eligibility for participation in the CFC program to certain classes of voluntary agencies, AETC reserved eligibility for participation in the debate to candidates for the Third Congressional District seat (as opposed to some other seat). At that point, just as the Government in Cornelius made agency-by-agency determinations as to which of the eligible agencies would participate in the CFC, AETC made candidate-by-candidate determinations as to which of the eligible candidates would participate in the debate. “Such selective access, unsupported by evidence of a purposeful designation for public use, does not create a public forum.” Id., at 805. Thus the debate was a nonpublic forum.
In addition to being a misapplication of our precedents, the Court of Appeals’ holding would result in less speech, not more. In ruling that the debate was a public forum open to all ballot-qualified candidates, 93 F. 3d, at 504, the Court of Appeals would place a severe burden upon public broadcast-
Were it faced with the prospect of cacophony, on the one hand, and First Amendment liability on the other, a public television broadcaster might choose not to air candidates’ views at all. A broadcaster might decide “’the safe course is to avoid controversy,’ . . . and by so doing diminish the free flow of information and ideas.” Turner Broadcasting System, Inc., 512 U. S., at 656 (quoting Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornillo, 418 U. S. 241, 257 (1974)). In this circumstance, a “[g]overnment-enforced right of access inescapably ’dampens the vigor and limits the variety of public debate.’” Ibid. (quoting New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U. S. 254, 279 (1964)).
These concerns are more than speculative. As a direct result of the Court of Appeals’ decision in this case, the Nebraska Educational Television Network canceled a scheduled debate between candidates in Nebraska’s 1996 United States Senate race. See Lincoln Journal Star, Aug. 24, 1996,
C
The debate’s status as a nonpublic forum, however, did not give AETC unfettered power to exclude any candidate it wished. As JUSTICE O’CONNOR has observed, nonpublic forum status “does not mean that the government can restrict speech in whatever way it likes.” ISKCON, 505 U. S., at 687. To be consistent with the First Amendment, the exclusion of a speaker from a nonpublic forum must not be based on the speaker’s viewpoint and must otherwise be reasonable in light of the purpose of the property. Cornelius, 473 U. S., at 800.
In this case, the jury found Forbes’ exclusion was not based on “objections or opposition to his views.” App. to Pet. for Cert. 23a. The record provides ample support for this finding, demonstrating as well that AETC’s decision to exclude him was reasonable. AETC Executive Director Susan Howarth testified Forbes’ views had “absolutely” no role in the decision to exclude him from the debate. App. 142. She further testified Forbes was excluded because (1) “the Arkansas voters did not consider him a serious candidate“; (2) “the news organizations also did not consider him a serious candidate“; (3) “the Associated Press and a national election result reporting service did not plan to run his name in results on election night“; (4) Forbes “apparently had little, if any, financial support, failing to report campaign finances to the Secretary of State’s office or to the Federal Election Commission“; and (5) “there [was] no ’Forbes for Congress’ campaign headquarters other than his house.” Id., at 126–127. Forbes himself described his campaign organization as “bedlam” and the media coverage of his campaign as “zilch.” Id., at 91, 96. It is, in short, beyond dispute that Forbes was excluded not because of his viewpoint but because he had generated no appreciable public interest.
There is no substance to Forbes’ suggestion that he was excluded because his views were unpopular or out of the mainstream. His own objective lack of support, not his platform, was the criterion. Indeed, the very premise of Forbes’ contention is mistaken. A candidate with unconventional views might well enjoy broad support by virtue of a compelling personality or an exemplary campaign organization. By the same token, a candidate with a traditional platform might enjoy little support due to an inept campaign or any number of other reasons.
Nor did AETC exclude Forbes in an attempted manipulation of the political process. The evidence provided powerful support for the jury’s express finding that AETC’s exclusion of Forbes was not the result of “political pressure from anyone inside or outside [AETC].” App. to Pet. for Cert. 22a. There is no serious argument that AETC did not act in good faith in this case. AETC excluded Forbes because the voters lacked interest in his candidacy, not because AETC itself did.
The broadcaster’s decision to exclude Forbes was a reasonable, viewpoint-neutral exercise of journalistic discretion consistent with the First Amendment. The judgment of the Court of Appeals is
Reversed.
JUSTICE STEVENS, with whom JUSTICE SOUTER and JUSTICE GINSBURG join, dissenting.
The Court has decided that a state-owned television network has no “constitutional obligation to allow every candidate access to” political debates that it sponsors. Ante, at 669. I do not challenge that decision. The judgment of the Court of Appeals should nevertheless be affirmed. The official action that led to the exclusion of respondent Forbes
In its discussion of the facts, the Court barely mentions the standardless character of the decision to exclude Forbes from the debate. In its discussion of the law, the Court understates the constitutional importance of the distinction between state ownership and private ownership of broadcast facilities. I shall therefore first add a few words about the record in this case and the history of regulation of the broadcast media, before explaining why I believe the judgment should be affirmed.
I
Two months before Forbes was officially certified as an independent candidate qualified to appear on the ballot under Arkansas law,1 the AETC staff had already concluded that he “should not be invited” to participate in the televised debates because he was “not a serious candidate as determined by the voters of Arkansas.”2 He had, however, been a serious contender for the Republican nomination for Lieutenant Governor in 1986 and again in 1990. Although he was defeated in a runoff election, in the three-way primary race conducted in 1990—just two years before the AETC staff decision—he had received 46.88% of the statewide vote and
Given the fact that the Republican winner in the Third Congressional District race in 1992 received only 50.22% of the vote and the Democrat received 47.20%,4 it would have been necessary for Forbes, who had made a strong showing in recent Republican primaries, to divert only a handful of votes from the Republican candidate to cause his defeat. Thus, even though the AETC staff may have correctly concluded that Forbes was “not a serious candidate,” their decision to exclude him from the debate may have determined the outcome of the election in the Third District.
If a comparable decision were made today by a privately owned network, it would be subject to scrutiny under the
The apparent flexibility of AETC’s purported standard suggests the extent to which the staff had nearly limitless discretion to exclude Forbes from the debate based on ad hoc justifications. Thus, the Court of Appeals correctly concluded that the staff’s appraisal of “political viability” was “so subjective, so arguable, so susceptible of variation in individual opinion, as to provide no secure basis for the exercise of governmental power consistent with the First Amendment.” Forbes v. Arkansas Educational Television Communication Network Foundation, 93 F. 3d 497, 505 (CA8 1996).
II
AETC is a state agency whose actions “are fairly attributable to the State and subject to the Fourteenth Amendment, unlike the actions of privately owned broadcast licensees.” Forbes v. Arkansas Educational Television Communication Network Foundation, 22 F. 3d 1423, 1428 (CA8), cert. denied, 513 U. S. 995 (1994), 514 U. S. 1110 (1995). The AETC staff members therefore “were not ordinary journalists: they
In Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc. v. Democratic National Committee, 412 U. S. 94 (1973), the Court held that a licensee is neither a common carrier, id., at 107–109, nor a public forum that must accommodate “’the right of every individual to speak, write, or publish,’” id., at 101 (quoting Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC, 395 U. S. 367, 388 (1969)). Speaking for a plurality, Chief Justice Burger expressed the opinion that the First Amendment imposes no constraint on the private network’s journalistic freedom. He supported that view by noting that when Congress confronted the advent of radio in the 1920’s, it “was faced with a fundamental choice between total Government ownership and control of the new medium—the choice of most other countries—or some other alternative.” 412 U. S., at 116.7
While noncommercial, educational stations generally have exercised the same journalistic independence as commercial networks, in 1981 Congress enacted a statute forbidding stations that received a federal subsidy to engage in “editorializing.”9 Relying primarily on cases involving the rights of commercial entities, a bare majority of this Court held the restriction invalid. FCC v. League of Women Voters of Cal., 468 U. S. 364 (1984). Responding to the dissenting view that “the interest in keeping the Federal Government out of the propaganda arena” justified the restriction, id., at 415 (opinion of STEVENS, J.), the majority emphasized the broad coverage of the statute and concluded that it “impermissibly sweeps within its prohibition a wide range
The League of Women Voters case implicated the right of “wholly private stations” to express their own views on a wide range of topics that “have nothing whatever to do with . . . government.” Id., at 395. The case before us today involves only the right of a state-owned network to regulate speech that plays a central role in democratic government. Because AETC is owned by the State, deference to its interest in making ad hoc decisions about the political content of its programs necessarily increases the risk of government censorship and propaganda in a way that protection of privately owned broadcasters does not.
III
The Court recognizes that the debates sponsored by AETC were “by design a forum for political speech by the candidates.” Ante, at 675. The Court also acknowledges the central importance of candidate debates in the electoral process. See ibid. Thus, there is no need to review our cases expounding on the public forum doctrine to conclude that the First Amendment will not tolerate a state agency’s arbitrary exclusion from a debate forum based, for example, on an expectation that the speaker might be critical of the Governor, or might hold unpopular views about abortion or the death penalty. Indeed, the Court so holds today.10
AETC asks that we reject Forbes’ constitutional claim on the basis of entirely subjective, ad hoc judgments about the dimensions of its forum.11 The First Amendment demands more, however, when a state government effectively wields the power to eliminate a political candidate from all consideration by the voters. All stations must act as editors, see ante, at 673, and when state-owned stations participate in the broadcasting arena, their editorial decisions may impact the constitutional interests of individual speakers.12 A state-owned broadcaster need not plan, sponsor, and conduct political debates, however. When it chooses to do so, the First Amendment imposes important limitations on its control over access to the debate forum.
AETC’s control was comparable to that of a local government official authorized to issue permits to use public facilities for expressive activities. In cases concerning ac-
We recently reaffirmed this approach when considering the constitutionality of an assembly and parade ordinance that authorized a county official to exercise discretion in setting the amount of the permit fee. In Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement, 505 U. S. 123 (1992), relying on Shuttlesworth and similar cases,13 we described the breadth of the administrator’s discretion thusly:
“There are no articulated standards either in the ordinance or in the county’s established practice. The administrator is not required to rely on any objective factors. He need not provide any explanation for his decision, and that decision is unreviewable. Nothing in the law or its application prevents the official from encouraging some views and discouraging others through the arbitrary application of fees. The First Amendment prohibits the vesting of such unbridled discretion in a government official.” 505 U. S., at 133 (footnotes omitted).
The televised debate forum at issue in this case may not squarely fit within our public forum analysis,16 but its importance cannot be denied. Given the special character of political speech, particularly during campaigns for elected office,
The reasons that support the need for narrow, objective, and definite standards to guide licensing decisions apply directly to the wholly subjective access decisions made by the staff of AETC.18 The importance of avoiding arbitrary
Like the Court, I do not endorse the view of the Court of Appeals that all candidates who qualify for a position on the ballot are necessarily entitled to access to any state-sponsored debate. I am convinced, however, that the constitutional imperatives that motivated our decisions in cases like Shuttlesworth command that access to political debates
Accordingly, I would affirm the judgment of the Court of Appeals.