Indianapolis revised its adult-business ordinances in 2003. These amendments expanded the definition of “adult entertainment business” to include any retail outlet that devotes 25% or more of its space or inventory to, or obtains at least 25% of its revenue from, adult books, magazines, films, and devices. (Adult “devices” include vibrators, dildos, and body-piercing implements.) See Indianapolis Rev.Code § 807-103. Until 2003 the trigger had been 50%. Any “adult entertainment business” needs a license, must be well lit and sanitary, and may not be open on Sunday or between midnight and 10 a.m. on any other day. Indianapolis Rev. Code §§ 807-202(a), -301®, -302.
Four firms defined as “adult entertainment businesses” under the revised ordinance filed this suit, contending that the law violates the first and fourth amendments, applied to the states by the fourteenth. The district court enjoined one portion of the amended ordinance and held that plaintiffs are entitled to notice of inspections.
That leaves plaintiffs’ challenge to the definition of “adult entertainment business” and the imposition of any limits on these firms, other than whatever rules apply to bookstores and video-rental outlets in general. Indianapolis justifies its re
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strictions on the ground that they reduce crime and other secondary effects associated with adult businesses. See
Los Angeles v. Alameda Books, Inc.,
The sort of evidence that the Justices deemed sufficient in
Alameda Books
and
Playtime Theatres
showed that crime is higher in city blocks (or census tracts) in which adult establishments are located. That could be because real estate is cheaper in high-crime areas, and that sleazy establishments tend to congregate in low-rent districts. But the fact that crime rose as adult establishments entered the area (see
We may posit that two adult stores next door to each other attract 100 patrons per day. The two businesses split apart might attract 49 patrons each. (Two patrons, perhaps, will be discouraged by the inconvenience of the separation — a relatively small cost to speech.) On the other hand, the reduction in secondary effects might be dramatic, because secondary effects may require a critical mass. Depending on the economics of vice, 100 potential customers/victims might attract a coterie of thieves, prostitutes, and other ne’er-do-wells; yet 49 might attract none at all. If so, a dispersal ordinance would cause a great reduction in secondary effects at very small cost to speech. Indeed, the very absence of secondary effects might increase the audience for the speech; perhaps for every two people who are discouraged by the inconvenience of two-stop shopping, another two are encouraged by hospitable surroundings. In that case, secondary effects might be eliminated at no cost to speech whatsoever, and both the city and the speaker will have their interests well served.
Indianapolis relies on this line of argument, as well as on a study it conducted in 1984, before adopting the original version of the challenged ordinance. This study found higher crime rates near businesses that were defined as “adult”. But here the City encounters problems, for the studies on which it relies — like Justice Kennedy’s hypothetical — deal with ordinances dispersing adult businesses. The 2003 revision does not require dispersal. Instead it closes all businesses after midnight and on Sundays, and requires bright interior lights when the businesses are open. None of the studies on which the City relied before enacting the law, and none introduced in this record, concerns that kind of ordinance. Nor do the studies *463 show that an increase in adult businesses’ operating hours is associated with more crime; the studies are simple cross-sectional analyses that leave causation up in the ah'. (In other words, they may show no more than that adult businesses prefer high-crime districts where rents are lower.)
More importantly, the studies to which the City points concern adult businesses that offer live sex shows, private viewing booths, or both. This circuit’s decisions likewise concern live entertainment. See, e.g.,
R.V.S., L.L.C. v. Rockford,
The City’s only evidence about the four plaintiffs is that during 2002 the police made 41 arrests for public masturbation at Annex Books, the only plaintiff that offers private booths. (The masturbation was “public” in the sense that officers could see what customers were doing inside the booths.) The district court thought this datum enough, by itself, to support the 2003 amendments. Yet it is hard to grasp how misdemeanors committed in single-person booths justify the regulation of book and video retailers that lack such booths.
Indeed, we do not know when the arrests occurred. Unless most of them were after midnight, or on Sunday, they don’t justify the ordinance even with respect to establishments that supply entertainment on the premises. Nor can we tell whether 41 arrests at one business over the course of 365 days is a large or a small number. How does it compare with arrests for drunkenness or public urination in or near taverns, which in Indianapolis can be open on Sunday and well after midnight? If there is more misconduct at a bar than at an adult emporium, how would that justify greater legal restrictions on the bookstore — much of whose stock in trade is constitutionally protected in a way that beer and liquor are not.
Indianapolis has approached this case by assuming that any empirical study of morals offenses near any kind of adult establishment in any city justifies every possible kind of legal restriction in every city. That might be so if the rational-relation test governed, for then all a court need do is ask whether a sound justification of a law may be imagined. See, e.g., Vance
v. Bradley,
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Alameda Books
establishes that much. Four Justices would have ruled for the plaintiff, without need for a trial, even though the empirical support for the Los Angeles ordinance was materially stronger than the data that Indianapolis proffers.
[A] municipality [cannot] get away with shoddy data or reasoning. The municipality’s evidence must fairly support the municipality’s rationale for its ordinance. If plaintiffs fail to cast direct doubt on this rationale, either by demonstrating that the municipality’s evidence does not support its rationale or by furnishing evidence that disputes the municipality’s factual findings, the municipality meets the standard set forth in [Playtime The atres]. If plaintiffs succeed in casting doubt on a municipality’s rationale in either manner, the burden shifts back to the municipality to supplement the record with evidence renewing support for a theory that justifies its ordinance.
Instead of adducing data to support the regulation of bookstores that do not furnish on-site viewing, Indianapolis is content to belittle plaintiffs’ evidence. Plaintiffs offered a study by Daniel Linz, a professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Linz first examined the relation between crime and adult establishments in Indianapolis, using smaller units than the City had done. He found little relation — and he added a time series, while the City relied on a cross section. In other words, Linz conducted the same kind of analysis as the Los Angeles study in Alameda Books, asking whether crime went up in a given census tract when new adult establishments opened, or down when they closed. Linz concluded that these openings and closings did not materially affect crime. Linz also critiqued the methodology of studies conducted by Indianapolis and other cities.
One may doubt that Linz’s work is the last word; a multivariate regression would provide a better foundation than either a time series or a geographic cross-section. See Daniel L. Rubinfeld, Reference Guide on Multiple Regression, Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence (2d ed.) (Federal Judicial Center 2000). Linz also disregards some sex-linked crimes, such as exposure and prostitution. That’s like studying the effects of taverns while ignoring arrests for drunk driving. (Linz does consider arrests for rape and child molestation, however.) But the City, which offered only the simple cross-section, is in no position to complain. Instead the City observed that Linz compared differences between 2001 and 2003, ignoring 2002, which (apparently) was a peak year for arrests in Annex Books. Yet the City did not apply Linz’s methods to the time series 2001, 2002, 2003 to see whether the omission mattered; instead it just asserted that the choice of years automatically invalidat *465 ed the study, which is not a sound conclusion.
Instead of adducing a serious critique of Linz’s work, or tackling the subject directly (Linz’s data and methods were disclosed in his study), the City asserts that the federal judiciary has already decided that all of Linz’s work must be ignored. It contends that, in
G.M. Enterprises, 350
F.3d at 640, we called Linz’s methods “completely unfounded.” Not at all. What we called “completely unfounded” was counsel’s assertion that a city’s justifications have to satisfy the
Daubert
standard for expert testimony. (See
Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc.,
Counsel for Indianapolis conceded at oral argument that none of the studies that the City has offered in defense of its ordinance deals with the secondary effects of stores that lack private booths. Nor do the studies assess the effects of stores that sell as little as 25% adult products. These shortcomings, plus Linz’s work, call the City’s justifications into question and require an evidentiary hearing at which the City must support its ordinance under the intermediate standard of
Alameda Books.
See also
Abilene Retail
#
SO, Inc. v. Dickinson County,
We are conscious that “hold an evidentiary hearing and apply intermediate scrutiny” is not very helpful to the district judge, or for that matter the lawyers. It is possible to be a little more concrete, however, thanks to Justice Kennedy’s opinion in
Alameda Books.
Because the other Justices divided 4 to 4, and Justice Kennedy was in the middle, his views establish the holding. See
Marks v. United States,
These thoughts should give some structure to the hearing on remand — though we recognize that, because crime and speech
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cannot be reduced to a common metric, a direct comparison (how much speech should be sacrificed to achieve how much reduction in crime?) is difficult if not impossible. Here it matters that both Justice O’Connor’s opinion for the plurality, and Justice Kennedy’s concurrence, conclude that municipalities should get the benefit of the doubt. Principles of federalism support experimentation, and one aspect of freedom is the power to be different. The standards of Manhattan, New York, need not be followed in Manhattan, Kansas. See
The parties have pressed on us dozens of precedents, from this circuit and elsewhere, that do more to show the problems of interpretation and application created by the fractured decision in
Alameda Books
than to establish any concrete legal rule. Few of these decisions offer much guidance, either to us or to the district court on remand, because few deal with hours-of-operation rules applicable to businesses that do not offer on-site viewing. It is accordingly unnecessary for us to canvass the dozens of appellate decisions that have struggled to understand and apply
Alameda Books.
For example,
Center for Fair Public Policy v. Maricopa County,
But one of these decisions, in addition to
Abilene Retail
(cited above), offers a little assistance. San Antonio adopted a dispersal rule (1,000 feet between adult businesses) that applied to a set of outlets defined to include stores that did nothing but sell books, tapes, and DVDs, which customers could not watch on premises. The fifth circuit held in
Encore Videos, Inc. v. San Antonio,
The judgment is affirmed to the extent that it sustained the licensing procedures but is reversed to the extent it concerns the coverage and substantive requirements, and the case is remanded for an evidentiary hearing consistent with this opinion.
Notes
Richland. Bookmart
and
H & A Land Corp. v. Kennedale,
