TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION...378
II. BACKGROUND...382
A. An Histоrical Overview Of The Management Of Federal Public Employees...382
B. The Statutory Provisions That Are Relevant To The Instant Dispute...383
1. The Purpose, Structure, And Provisions Of The FSLRMS...384
2. The Federal Labor Relations Authority...385
3. Relevant Miscellaneous Provisions Of The United States Code...386
C. The Challenged Executive Orders...387
1. Executive Order 13,836 ("The Collective Bargaining Procedures Order")...387
2. Executive Order 13,837 ("The Official Time Order")...388
3. Executive Order 13,839 ("The Removal Procedures Order")...390
D. Procedural History...391
III. APPLICABLE LEGAL STANDARDS...392
IV. ANALYSIS...394
A. This Court Has Subject-Matter Jurisdiction Because Congress Did Not Intend For This Matter To Be Resolved Through The FSLMRS Or CSRA Administrative Review Schemes...395
1. Both The FSLMRS And The CSRA Evince A Fairly Discernable Congressional Intent To Channel Certain Claims To The FLRA And The MSPB...396
2. The Unions' Claims Are Not Of The Type That Congress Intended To Funnel Through The FSLMRS Or CSRA Statutory Review Schemes...397
a. Meaningful Judicial Review Of The Unions' Claims Would Be Foreclosed If The District Courts Could Not Hear These Claims...397
b. The Unions' Claims Are Wholly Collateral To The FSLMRS And The CSRA Administrative-Judicial Review Schemes...403
c. Although Potentially Helpful, The Agencies' Expertise Is Not Essential To Resolving The Instant Claims...408
B. The Unions' Claims Are Fit For Judicial Resolution...409
C. The President Has The Statutory And Constitutional Authority To Issue Executive Orders That Pertain To Federal Labor-Management Relations, So Long As
1. Before The Enactment Of The FSLMRS And CSRA, Presidents Had The Authority To Issue Executive Orders Regulating Federal Labor-Management Relations...413
2. The FSLMRS And CSRA Did Not Divest The President Of Any Authority In This Field...415
3. The President's Executive Orders Concerning This Area Must Be Consistent With Congress's Pronouncements...417
D. Many Of The Order Provisions The Unions Have Challenged In This Case Impermissibly Infringe Upon The Statutory Right To Bargain Collectively...418
1. Section 7103(a) And D.C. Circuit Caselaw Define The Contours Of The Statutory Right To Bargain Collectively...419
a. The Duty To Bargain...420
b. The Duty To Act In Good Faith...421
c. Takeaways Regarding Agency Conduct With Respect To Federal Labor Negotiations...421
2. Certain Provisions Of The Challenged Executive Orders Dramatically Curtail The Scope Of Bargaining Because Agencies And Unions Will No Longer Negotiate Over A Host Of Significant Issues...424
a. The Orders Remove These Matters From The Scope Of The Right To Bargain Despite The Fact That Congress Has Made Them Negotiable...424
b. The Removed Topics Are Important To The Functioning Of Labor Organizations And The Fairness Of Collective Bargaining Negotiations...426
3. Certain Provisions Of The Executive Orders Impede The Prospect Of Good Faith Negotiations...426
4. Defendants' Best 'No-Conflict' Counterarguments Are Meritless...430
a. The Specious Section 7117 Suggestion...433
b. The Mistaken 'Mere Guidance' Characterization...436
E. The Remaining Challenged Provisions Of These Executive Orders Are Legitimate Exercises Of The President's Authority...437
V. CONCLUSION...440
MEMORANDUM OPINION
I. INTRODUCTION
The Constitution of the United States divides the powers of the Federal government into three spheres: "[t]o the legislative department has been committed the duty of making laws, to the executive the duty of executing them, and to the judiciary the duty of interpreting and applying them in cases properly brought before the courts." Massachusetts v. Mellon ,
On May 25, 2018, President Donald J. Trump issued three executive orders relating to the administration of the federal civil service and the rights of federal employees to engage in collective bargaining. See Exec. Order No. 13,836,
Between May 30, 2018, and June 18, 2018, numerous federal employee unions ("the Unions" or "Plaintiffs") filed the instant consolidated cases against President Trump, the U.S. Office of Personnel Management ("OPM"), and the Director of OPM (collectively, "Defendants"), challenging the validity of the President's executive orders in various respects.
Before this Court at present are Plaintiffs' and Defendants' ripe cross-motions for summary judgment.
For its part, the summary judgment motion that has been filed on behalf of Defendants raises two threshold issues: that this Court lacks subject-matter jurisdiction over the instant dispute due to the channeling effect of the FSLMRS's administrative review scheme, and that some of the Unions' claims are insufficiently concrete to be prudentially ripe for judicial decision. On the merits, Defendants' summary judgment motion maintains that the President has ample statutory and constitutional authority to issue executive orders in the field of federal labor relations, and that the Orders do not, in fact, conflict with the FSLMRS's complicated statutory regime, either because the challenged provisions only constitute "guidance" to federal agencies or because a section of the FSLMRS specifically authorizes the President to reduce the scope of collective bargaining through the issuance of "government-wide rules or regulations." Defendants further assert that the Take Care Clause claim is nonjusticiable, and that the First Amendment freedom-of-association claim is baseless.
For the reasons explained at length below, this Court has decided that the Unions have the better of this argument. With respect to Defendants' threshold concerns, the Court concludes that it has subject-matter
As to the merits of the Unions' contentions, while past precedents and pertinent statutory language indicate that the President has the authority to issue executive orders that carry the force of law with respect to federal labor relations, it is undisputed that no such orders can operate to eviscerate the right to bargain collectively as envisioned in the FSLMRS. In this Court's view, the challenged provisions of the executive orders at issue have that cumulative effect. Stated succinctly, by enacting the FSLMRS, Congress undertook to guarantee federal employees the statutory right to engage in good-faith collective bargaining with agencies and executive branch officials, and the pronouncements that the FSLMRS makes are clearly based upon Congress's stated opinion that "the right of employees" to "bargain collectively ... safeguards the public interest, contributes to the effective conduct of public business, and facilitates and encourages the amicable settlements of disputes" in regard to the "conditions of [federal] employment."
Certain provisions of the Orders plainly further the President's intention to restrict the scope and effectiveness of federal employees' right to collective bargaining vis-à-vis the agencies (e.g. , those directives that stunt negotiations by narrowing the terms that the agency can entertain related to significant matters, such as access to government office space for union business and the amount of official time that can be allotted to negotiations and counseling), see Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(e), 6; Exec. Order No. 13,837 §§ 4(a), 4(b); Exec. Order No. 13,839 §§ 4(a), 4(c), or clearly constrain agency negotiators' ability to conduct collective bargaining negotiations in good faith (e.g. , those mandates that direct agency representatives to pursue specific positions "whenever possible," such as limiting the annual aggregate official time awarded amount to one hour per employed union member per year), see Exec. Order No. 13,836 §§ 5(a), 5(e); Exec. Order No. 13,837 §§ 3(a); Exec. Order No. 13,839 §§ 3. Therefore, this Court finds that these provisions conflict with congressional intent in a manner that cannot be sustained. (See Part IV.D, infra .) What remains of the Orders are those provisions that the Unions have not opted to challenge, and the few challenged provisions described in Part IV.E. See Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(c); Exec. Order No. 13,837 §§ 2(j), 4(c); Exec. Order No. 13, 839 §§ 2(b), 2(c), 4(b)(iii), 7.
This all means that, ultimately, both sides' motions for summary judgment must be GRANTED IN PART AND DENIED IN PART , and this Court will enjoin
II. BACKGROUND
A. An Historical Overview Of The Management Of Federal Public Employees
The history of federal public employment in the United States evidences two competing visions of the proper relationship between the President and the individuals who are employed to work for the federal government within the Executive Branch. See The Civil Service and the Statutory Law of Public Employment ,
The second vision of public employment worries that unfettered "executive discretion" to hire and fire civil servants can damage "the integrity of public administration in general," especially if an unchecked administration arbitrarily discharges career employees who hold contrary political views or who seek to blow the whistle on abusive employment practices within the Executive Branch.
As relevant here, these two different visions of the role of the President in managing the civil service have proven ascendant at different moments in American history, including during periods that preceded the statute at issue in this case. Indeed, because "[i]nitially, presidents had broad powers to fill the civil service with their [own] appointees[,]" Jacob Marisam, The President's Agency Selection Powers ,
With the 1970s, the view that slothful federal employees enjoyed too much protection against discharge became increasingly popular, amidst mounting concern over government integrity in the wake of the Watergate scandal. It was against this backdrop that Congress enacted the Civil Service Reform Act of 1978 ("the CSRA"), Pub L. No. 95-454,
Significantly for present purposes, Congress crafted the CSRA with the express goal of "balanc[ing] the legitimate interests of the various categories of federal employees with the needs of sound and efficient administration." Id. at 445,
The aforementioned FSLMRS, which addresses collective bargaining and labor unions exclusively, is Title VII of the CSRA, and is "the first statutory scheme governing labor relations between federal agencies and their employees." BATF ,
B. The Statutory Provisions That Are Relevant To The Instant Dispute
The arguments presented in the parties' cross-motions for summary judgment in this case chiefly revolve around several provisions of the FSLMRS, see
1. The Purpose, Structure, And Provisions Of The FSLRMS
The very first section of the FSLMRS lays out the purposes of the statute and the legislative findings that underlie it. Congress makes crystal clear that, in its considered judgment, labor unions and collective bargaining "safeguard[ ] the public interest"; "contribute[ ] to the effective conduct of public business"; and "facilitate and encourage the amicable settlement[ ] of disputes between employees and their employers involving conditions of employment[.]"
First and foremost, the FSLMRS firmly establishes the rights of federal employees to join labor unions for the purpose of petitioning government officials about labor matters, see
After establishing that the right to good-faith collective bargaining exists, the statute lays out what matters are subject to negotiation and the extent to which those matters must be discussed. In this regard, the FSLMRS establishes a three-tier system based upon the negotiability of matters in collective bargaining discussions.
Second, the FSLMRS explicitly designates a narrow category of matters (listed in section 7106(b)(1) ) as 'permissive' matters for bargaining, in the sense that the parties may bargain over the matters contained within this section "at the election of the agency[.]"
Third and finally, the FSLMRS prohibits negotiation over matters relating to management rights or those matters subject to Government-wide rules or regulations. Accordingly, none of the bargaining rights the FSLMRS confers may interfere with the rights of federal agencies "to determine the mission, budget, organization, number of employees, and internal security practices of the agency" or "to hire, assign, direct, layoff, and retain employees ... or to suspend, remove, reduce in grade or pay, or take other disciplinary action against such employees" as allowed by law.
As mentioned, the FSLMRS also recognizes that a number of disputes may arise in the context of collective bargaining negotiations or during the execution of a collective bargaining agreement. Thus, the statute prohibits labor unions or federal agencies from engaging in "unfair labor practices[,]" such as interfering with the ability of employees or agencies to pursue their rights under the FSLMRS, or refusing to negotiate in good faith.
2. The Federal Labor Relations Authority
The various relevant provisions of the FSLMRS discussed above cover a lot of substantive ground regarding the scope of federal labor-management relations. But there's more: to ensure that these statutory
Per the FSLMRS, the FLRA must "provide leadership in establishing policies and guidance relating to matters under" the statute,
When the FLRA is called upon to hear a dispute, it may hold hearings and take testimony, require an agency or labor union "to cease and dеsist from violations" of the FSLMRS, or otherwise "take any remedial action it considers appropriate to carry out the policies of this chapter."
3. Relevant Miscellaneous Provisions Of The United States Code
Other statutory provisions that are either contained within the CSRA (but outside of the FSLMRS), or appear elsewhere in the United States Code, are relevant to this case. For example, in the CSRA, Congress created an agency known as the Merit Systems Protection Board ("MSPB") that adjudicates employee objections to certain adverse personnel actions. See
In the category of other sections of the United States Code that specifically address the President's ability to regulate
C. The Challenged Executive Orders
President Donald J. Trump issued the Orders in this case on May 25, 2018, as part of a coordinated effort to overhaul labor-management relations within the federal government.
1. Executive Order 13,836 ("The Collective Bargaining Procedures Order")
Executive Order 13,836, which is officially entitled " Developing Efficient, Effective, and Cost-Reducing Approaches to Federal Sector Collective Bargaining," aims to instruct federal agencies on the procedures (e.g. , the methods and timing) that the President would like to see instituted with respect to collective bargaining negotiations, as well as some of the subjects of negotiation that the President would like to see eliminated from the collective bargaining process. This Order sets the tone at the outset by admonishing federal agencies for "fall[ing] short" of implementing the prescriptions of the FSLMRS, which in the President's view, is "consistent with" that statute's pronouncement that the FSLMRS should be interpreted to promote an "effective and efficient Government."
As relevant to this litigation, Executive Order 13,836 purports to fix these problems, primarily by changing the collective bargaining procedures that federal agencies follow. See
In a similar vein, section 5(e) purports to impact collective bargaining procedures by announcing that, when "developing proposed ground rules, and during any negotiations, agency negotiators shall request the exchange of written proposals, so as to facilitate resolution of negotiability issues and assess the likely effect of specific proposals on agency operations and management rights."
The net effect of these challenged provisions is to set a presumptive timeframe for the completion of collective bargaining negotiations (roughly five to seven months), see
2. Executive Order 13,837 ("The Official Time Order")
Executive Order 13,837 is entitled " Ensuring Transparency, Accountability, and Efficiency in Taxpayer-Funded Union Time Use[.]" Exec. Order No. 13,837. In this Order, as with all the Orders, there is no mention of Congress's statutory statement that "labor organizations and collective bargaining in the civil service are in the public interest."
To this end, Executive Order 13,837 specifically redefines-and limits-the extent to which federal employees may engage in union business during working hours (a practice that the FSLMRS calls "official time" and that the Order dubs "taxpayer-funded union time"), and the Order also prohibits federal employees from using certain federal resources when working on non-agency business. The "[p]urpose" preamble announces four animating principles: (1) that "agencies should ensure that taxpayer-funded union time is used efficiently and authorized in amounts that are reasonable, necessary, and in the public interest"; (2) that "[f]ederal employees should spend the clear majority of their duty hours working for the public"; (3) that "[n]o agency should pay for Federal labor organizations' expenses, except where required by law"; and (4) that agencies should "eliminate unrestricted grants of taxpayer-funded union time" by "requir[ing] employees to obtain specific authorization[,]" "monitor[ing] [the] use of taxpayer-funded union time[,]" and making that information available to the public, to "ensure [such time] is used only for authorized purposes[.]"
The Order then promotes these principles by laying out specific standards that pertain to how much official time an agency can authorize through a collective bargaining agreement. In this regard, the Order mandates that "[n]o agency shall agree to authorize" official time under section 7131(d) of Title 5 of the United States Code"unless such time is reasonable, necessary, and in the public interest."
The Executive Order also places limits on the activities that a federal employee may participate in while on duty, and it regulates how much official time any employee is entitled to, and what resources the government must make available to employees during activities for which official time is allotted. To be specific, "[e]mployees may not engage in lobbying activities during" their on-duty hours, "except in their official capacities as an employee."
Finally, section 4(a)(iii) prohibits federal employees from receiving the "free or discounted use of government property or any other agency resources if such free or discounted use is not generally available for non-agency business by employees when acting on behalf of non-federal organizations[,]"
In sum, the challenged portions of this Order not only seek to limit the amount of taxpayer-funded union time ("official time") that can be designated to a labor organization and/or an individual union employee, see
3. Executive Order 13,839 ("The Removal Procedures Order")
The third, and final, executive order at issue in this lawsuit is entitled " Promoting Accountability and Streamlining Removal Procedures Consistent With Merit System Principles[.]" Exec. Order No. 13,839. Because federal agencies' purported "[f]ailure to address unacceptable performance and misconduct undermines morale, burdens good performers with subpar colleagues, and inhibits the ability of executive agencies ... to accomplish their missions," this Order expressly seeks to "advance the ability of supervisors in agencies to promote civil servant accountability consistent with merit system principles while simultaneously recognizing employees' procedural rights and protections[.]"
The relevant challenged provisions start by rejecting the idea that federal supervisors and deciding officials should be "required to use progressive discipline" when dealing with underperforming subordinates.
In an effort to further streamline the removal process, the Order takes certain other matters off the collective bargaining table. For example, the Order mandates that, "[w]henever reasonable[,]" agency heads shall attempt to negotiate collective bargaining agreements that "exclude from the application of any grievance procedures" those disputes "concerning decisions to remove any employee from Federal service for misconduct or unacceptable performance."
Boiled to bare essence, these provisions make it easier for the government to dismiss federal employees for bad conduct or unsatisfactory performance at work, and they remove certain matters relating to the grievance process from the collective bargaining negotiations process. OPM and the heads of agencies are further directed to bring any current regulations, disciplinary programs, or collective bargaining agreements into conformance with these principles as soon as possible. See
D. Procedural History
Within a month of the President signing the Orders described above, seventeen federal employee unions filed four separate lawsuits in this Court seeking to challenge the legality of these orders. See Am. Fed'n of Gov't Emps., AFL-CIO v. Trump, et al. , 18-cv-1261 (KBJ); Nat'l Treasury Emps. Union v. Trump et al. , 18-cv-1348 (KBJ); Nat'l Fed'n of Fed. Emps., FD1, IAMAW, AFL-CIO, et al. v. Trump, et al. , 18-cv-1395 (KBJ); Am. Fed'n of State, Cty. & Mun. Emps, et al. v. Trump, et al. , 18-cv-1444 (KBJ). The contours of the claims that the Unions have brought in the context of those four lawsuits differ slightly, but, in toto , the alleged claims can be grouped into four categories: (1) claims that challenge the President's authority to issue executive orders in the field of federal labor-management relations at all (see, e.g. , Compl., Nat'l Fed'n of Fed. Emps., FD1, IAMAW, AFL-CIO, et al. v. Trump, et al. , 18-cv-1395 (D.D.C. June 13, 2018) ("NFFE's Compl."), ECF No. 1, ¶¶ 82-95); (2) claims that challenge the President's authority to issue executive orders that conflict with individual provisions of the FSLMRS (see, e.g.,
Between June 15, 2018, and June 19, 2018, this Court consolidated all of these cases into a single action (see Minute Order of June 15, 2018; Minute Order of June 18, 2018; Minute Order of June 19, 2018), and shortly thereafter, the parties agreed to have these matters resolved by way of expedited summary judgment proceedings ( see Scheduling Order at 1). Plaintiffs then filed four separate motions for summary judgment, reasserting their core claims and insisting that there is no genuine issue of material fact regarding the impropriety of the President's actions in issuing the Orders. (See NFFE's Mem.; AFSCME's Mem.; NTEU's Mem.; AFGE's Mem.) Defendants filed an omnibus cross-motion for summary judgment (see Defs.' Mem.), and the parties' summary judgment motions have now been briefed in full (see NFFE's Reply; AFSCME's Reply; NTEU's Reply; AFGE's Reply; Defs.' Reply).
Defendants' motion contends that the Unions' claims about the lack of presidential authority are meritless for a variety of reasons. (See, e.g., Defs.' Mem. at 18 ("Contrary to Plaintiffs' insistence that the orders are an unlawful exercise of Presidential power, they fall well within the President's authority.");
III. APPLICABLE LEGAL STANDARDS
"The President's authority to act, as with the exercise of any governmental power, 'must stem either from an act of Congress or from the Constitution itself[,]' " or from a combination of the two. Medellin v. Texas ,
Evaluating whether the President (or one of his subordinates) has acted in excess of his statutory authority typically presents "a difficult problem of statutory interpretation." Kahn ,
If the President asserts his inherent constitutional authority to take a particular challenged action, the court's analysis shifts to the well-known tripartite framework spelled out in Justice Robert Jackson's Youngstown concurrence. "When the President acts pursuant to an express or implied authorization of Congress" in a manner that is consistent with the will of Congress, "his [overall] authority is at its maximum, for it includes all that he possesses in his own right plus all that Congress can delegate." Youngstown ,
In short, like an ultra vires claim, a constitutional separation of powers claim requires the court to analyze what statutory authority, if any, the President possesses in relation to a challenged action. See,
One final note, in regard to how these analytic frameworks function at the motion for summary judgment stage, is useful. The familiar standard for deciding motions for summary judgment under the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure dictates that if a "movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law[,]" then a court must grant summary judgment in his favor. Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a). Of course, in the context of ultra vires and constitutional separation of powers claims, there are no questions of fact, because whether or not a statute or the Constitution grants the President the power to act in a certain way is a pure question of law. See, e.g., Zivotofsky ,
IV. ANALYSIS
The circumstances presented in the instant case-i.e. , where the Unions have challenged the President's authority to issue certain executive orders regarding federal labor-management relations on a variety of grounds, and where the President maintains that he has both the statutory and constitutional authority to direct the manner of executive agencies' collective bargaining negotiations and other related matters but that, in any event, this Court cannot and should not address the Unions' claims-present complicated legal questions that require the application of myriad legal precedents and more than one analytical framework. The lengthy analysis below begins with the threshold issues concerning this Court's subject-matter jurisdiction and the ripeness of the Unions' claims, and the Court concludes that the claims at issue here are not the types of claims that Congress intended to be funneled to the FLRA through the FSLMRS's administrative review scheme, nor are they unfit for judicial review at this time. (See Part IV.A. & Part IV.B, infra .)
The Court then proceeds to tackle the merits of the claims presented in the Unions' consolidated complaints. It finds that the President has the constitutional and statutory authority to issue executive orders that carry the force of law regarding federal labor-management relations, including collective bargaining (see Part IV.C, infra ), but that any such orders cannot impermissibly infringe upon the right to collective bargaining that is enshrined in the FSLMRS (see Part IV.D, infra ). And because many of the executive order provisions that the Unions challenge here have that effect, this Court concludes that the President has overstepped his bounds. (See
Specifically, on their face, the Order provisions concerning matters such as the reduction of the availability of and support for official time activities, see Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 4, the specific prohibitions against bargaining over section 7106(b)(1)'s permissive matters, see Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 6, and the unilateral narrowing of any negotiated grievance procedures, see Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 4(a), dramatically
In this Court's considered judgment, the President is without statutory authority to promulgate directives that reduce the scope of the statutory right to bargain collectively that Congress enacted in the FSLMRS; and, indeed, there appears to be no dispute that the President does not have the constitutional authority to override Congress's policy choices (see Defs.' Reply at 30-31). Thus, the only challenged provisions of Executive Orders 13,836, 13,837, or 13,839 that can stand are those that neither contribute to a reduction in the scope of the collective bargaining that Congress has envisioned nor impede the ability of agencies and executive departments to engage in the kind of good-faith bargaining over conditions of federal employment that Congress has required. (See Part IV.E., infra .)
A. This Court Has Subject-Matter Jurisdiction Because Congress Did Not Intend For This Matter To Be Resolved Through The FSLMRS Or CSRA Administrative Review Schemes
"Federal courts are courts of limited jurisdiction[,]" meaning that "[t]hey possess only that power authorized by [the] Constitution and statute." Kokkonen v. Guardian Life Ins. Co. of Am. ,
Of course, because Congress has the power to control the jurisdiction of federal district courts, it may also choose to withhold jurisdiction, by "channeling" certain types of claims through alternative review mechanisms. See Elgin v. Dep't of the Treasury ,
Defendants here insist that the administrative review schemes that appear in the FSLMRS and CSRA channel the Unions' claims to the FLRA or MSPB for resolution, and thus, this Court has no subject-matter jurisdiction to resolve the instant dispute. (See Defs.' Mem. at 32-33.) To analyze whether a statutory scheme of review does, in fact, implicitly strip away a district court's power to hear a claim that it would otherwise have the authority to hear, courts apply the two-step inquiry that the Supreme Court laid out in Thunder Basin Coal Co. v. Reich. See Jarkesy ,
1. Both The FSLMRS And The CSRA Evince A Fairly Discernable Congressional Intent To Channel Certain Claims To The FLRA And The MSPB
It is well settled that the FSLMRS evinces a congressional intent to channel the resolution of at least some claims to the administrative agency that Congress created to address certain federal labor-management issues (the FLRA). See
Thus, it comes as no surprise that the D.C. Circuit has held that "the FSLMRS's remedial regime is exclusive[,]" Sec'y of the Air Force ,
Similarly, when it enacted the other provisions of the CSRA, Congress unquestionably "established a comprehensive system for reviewing personnel action taken against federal employees." Fausto ,
2. The Unions' Claims Are Not Of The Type That Congress Intended To Funnel Through The FSLMRS Or CSRA Statutory Review Schemes
Of course, the administrative and judicial review schemes that Congress adopted in the FSLMRS and CSRA are the exclusive path only with respect to the disputes to which these schemes apply. Here, the Unions maintain that their claims are not "of the type Congress intended to be reviewed within" the pertinent "statutory structure[s]" of the FLRA or the CSRA. Thunder Basin ,
But, first, it is important to note that "[t]o unsettle the presumption of initial administrative review-made apparent by the structure of the organic statute-requires a strong countervailing rationale."
a. Meaningful Judicial Review Of The Unions' Claims Would Be Foreclosed If The District Courts Could Not Hear These Claims
The first of these guideposts-the availability of meaningful judicial review-requires a court to assess whether a plaintiff will, "as a practical matter[,] be able to
The scope of the FLRA's authority is laid out in the FSLMRS, and as а general matter, that agency can address and resolve particular issues of fact that arise under that statute-such as an agency's or union's alleged violation of the statute's prescriptions in the context of a given labor-related dispute. See
For example, the FLRA is authorized to "determine the appropriateness of units for labor organization representation under [ section 7112 of Title 5 of the United States Code ]"; to "supervise or conduct [the] elections" that labor organizations hold under section 7111 ; and to "prescribe criteria" regarding such matters as "the granting of national consultation rights under section 7113" or an alleged "compelling need for agency rules and regulations under section 7117(b) [.]" See
This all matters because the claims that the Unions have brought in the instant case are broad, facial attacks on the validity of the Orders and the President's authority to issue such directives; there are no fact-specific claims of unfair labor practices, mishandling of employment-related grievances, or negotiability disputes. (See, e.g., NFFE's Compl. ¶¶ 82-120.) As noted, nothing in the FSLMRS's detailed statement of "the powers and duties" of the FLRA even remotely "relates to passing judgment on rules or regulations enacted by any other federal agency[,]" Am. Fed'n of Gov't Emps. ,
To understand why this is so, it is important to begin by recognizing that the FSLMRS's statutory scheme plainly makes the court of appeals' jurisdiction to review matters brought before the FLRA entirely derivative of the FLRA's jurisdiction. By its terms, the "judicial review" that is provided for at section 7123(a) of Title 5 of the United States Code extends only to "the proceeding" that took place before the FLRA "and the question determined therein[,]"
In the instant context, however, just as in American Federation of Government Employees, AFL-CIO, Local 446 v. Nicholson ,
In this regard, then, Defendants' reliance on Elgin v. Department of the Treasury (see Defs.' Reply at 16-18), is misplaced. The plaintiffs in Elgin were "former federal competitive service employees who failed" to register for the Selective Service and were discharged from their jobs with federal agencies as a result.
Jarkesy and Thunder Basin speak to the same principle. In both cases, federal agencies had charged, or would soon charge, the plaintiffs with violating laws and regulations that the agencies administered. See Thunder Basin ,
These situations differ significantly from the one presented here. To recap, in Elgin, Jarkesy , and Thunder Basin , the agencies had jurisdiction over the underlying matters at issue: the MSPB had jurisdiction over cases concerning the removal of federal employees; the SEC had jurisdiction over cases concerning the violation of securities laws; and the FMSHRC had jurisdiction over cases concerning matters arising under the Mine Act. In addition, the challenged conduct was generally of the type
The practical effect of this analysis is that Article III judicial review of the Unions' contention that the President lacks the authority to issue the challenged executive orders would be foreclosed if the doors of the district court are shut, and that result counsels against concluding that Congress meant to preclude the district court from exercising subject-matter jurisdiction over the claims that the Unions have brought in this case. See Free Enter. ,
b. The Unions' Claims Are Wholly Collateral To The FSLMRS And The CSRA Administrative-Judicial Review Schemes
Not only do the FSLMRS and CSRA administrative-judicial review schemes foreclose meaningful judicial review of the challenge that the Unions seek to make here, it is also clear that the Unions' claims themselves are " 'wholly collateral' to the" statutory-review scheme at issue. Jarkesy ,
In determining whether a lawsuit is wholly collateral to a statute's scheme of review, the Supreme Court and the D.C. Circuit have differentiated between those claims that "arise 'outside' the [agency's] administrative enforcement scheme" and those claims that "arise from actions the [administrative agency] took in the course
By these standards, the Unions' claims are wholly collateral to any administrative action. Again, the Unions have sued the President and OPM, and the gravamen of their consolidated action is that the three disputed executive orders in this case are ultra vires and unconstitutional. As explained above, the Unions' claims do not relate specifically to any alleged unfair labor practice, negotiability dispute, or grievance proceeding. (See Part IV.A.2.a., supra .) Consequently, these claims are not "inextricably intertwined with the conduct of" an enforcement proceeding or appeal that the FLRA or MSPB may "institute and resolve as an initial matter[.]" Jarkesy ,
The fact that the D.C. Circuit has previously treated analogous claims as "collateral"-and has allowed them to be brought in the federal district courts-is significant. In National Mining Association v. Department of Labor , the plaintiffs sought to challenge the validity of a Department of Labor regulation that revised the "rules governing the adjudication of miners' claims under" the Black Lung Benefits Act ("BLBA").
The D.C. Circuit has since affirmed this core holding of National Mining, see, e.g., Arch Coal ,
All three of these circumstances are present here. The Unions have brought a challenge to the "rules" the President has adopted in the Orders, rather than any specific "order" of the FLRA or the MSPB. Cf. Nat'l Mining ,
Thus, Defendants are mistaken when they righteously maintain that Congress intended for the Unions to be forced to jam the square peg of these broad ultra vires and constitutional claims into the round hole of the administrative-judicial review scheme that was crafted specifically for labor representatives and federal managers to utilize as they hammer out particular collective bargaining agreements or engage in other, similar fact-bound negotiations. (See, e.g. , Defs.' Reply at 14-15.) Pointing to American Federation of Government Employees v. Secretary of the Air Force ,
Secretary of the Air Force involved a challenge to Air Force regulations that required certain civilian workers within the Air Force "to wear military uniforms while performing civilian duties."
Here, by contrast, the Unions have brought ultra vires and constitutional claims against the President and OPM, and not against any particular agency, so a negotiability appeal, arbitration, or unfair labor practice charge brought in the context of a proceeding before the FLRA will not generate the relief the Unions seek. That is, in contrast to Secretary of the Air Force and that case's predecessors, there is not a "close[ ] connection between the relief sought in th[is] judicial action and that available in the administrative process." Fornaro v. James ,
Undaunted, Defendants suggest that the Unions here must reformulate their claims to contend that, because of the President's Orders, a particular agency has violated
Indeed, Defendants' suggestion that such a reformation is the only viable way of getting the Unions' claims resolved (Defs.' Reply at 14 (quoting Sec'y of the Air Force ,
The bottom line is this: there is no hint or suggestion that the Unions in this case have "sought to short-circuit the administrative process through the vehicle of a district court complaint[,]" Sturm, Ruger & Co. ,
Finally, this Court must consider whether the Unions' claims fall "outside the [the relevant agency's] competence and expertise."
The statutory and constitutional claims in a given case may well be of a type that the agency typically encounters in its line of work; if so, such claims do generally fall within its expertise. See, e.g., Jarkesy ,
This conclusion is based primarily on the fact that, as this Court has already emphasized, neither the FLRA nor the MSPB regularly opines upon the separation-of-powers issues that are at the heart of the instant action, nor do they have any specialized experience in determining whether a statute or the Constitution has authorized the President to act in a particular way. By contrast, these sorts of questions are the proverbial bread and butter of the Judicial Branch. See Youngstown ,
Thus, while the FLRA and the MSPB might have helpful background knowledge about what the FSLMRS and CSRA require or authorize with respect to federal labor relations, one cannot infer that Congress necessarily intended for these agencies to always be the bodies that resolve any broader legal questions that might arise in the context of their consideration of the particular fact issues within their realm of expertise. Truth be told, this conclusion is even more readily apparent when one acknowledges the fact that the district courts can rely heavily upon the expertise of the FLRA and the MSPB, as necessary and appropriate, when interpreting the FSLMRS and the CSRA. See Fort Stewart Schs. ,
* * *
"Having canvassed the three considerations the Supreme Court laid out in Thunder Basin " and its progeny, this
Therefore, although Congress clearly intended for certain disputes arising under the FSLMRS and the CSRA to come before these administrative agencies in the first instance, this Court confidently concludes that Congress had no such intent in regard to the claims that the Unions have raised in the instant case. Accordingly, and because this Court sees no other basis for questioning its own subject-matter jurisdiction, this Court concludes that the district court is open to address, and resolve, the Unions' claims.
B. The Unions' Claims Are Fit For Judicial Resolution
"[T]he doctrine of prudential ripeness ensures that Article III courts make decisions only when they have to, and then, only once." Am. Petroleum Inst. v. Envtl. Prot. Agency ,
To assess whether a claim is ripe for judicial review, a court must evaluate both "the fitness of the issues for judicial decision and the extent to which withholding a decision will cause hardship to the parties." Am. Petroleum Inst. ,
At the motion hearing in this case, Defendants acknowledged "the weaknesses of [their] ripeness claim with respect" to the Unions' purely legal argument that the President does not have the statutory or constitutional authority to issue executive orders that pertain to the field of federal labor relations (Hr'g Tr. at 27:1-5); furthermore, defense counsel also appeared to conсede that the subset of challenged executive-order provisions that are "fully formed" and leave "no discretion" to federal agencies are ripe for judicial review (id. at 29:5-12). But counsel held fast to the assertion that certain claims that the Unions have made should be deemed prudentially unripe: (1) those claims that challenge the President's announcement of a new collective bargaining policy if the executive order provision contains a directive to OPM to issue regulations about the matter (Defs.' Mem. at 39-40; Hr'g Tr. at 28:6-18)-e.g. , section 4 of the Official Time Order, which both prohibits the use of official time for a variety of matters, and requires OPM to identify and change regulations that are inconsistent with this mandate, see Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 4-and (2) those claims that challenge provisions within the Orders that purport to set "aspirational objectives" and thus "leave room for negotiation" (Defs' Mem. at 41), such as section 5(a) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order, which states that "ordinarily" "a negotiation period of 6 weeks or less to achieve ground rules, and a negotiating period of between 4 and 6 months for a [collective bargaining agreement]" should suffice, Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a). Defendants argue that this Court should defer its consideration of Plaintiffs' challenges to these kinds of provisions in the Orders, either because further clarification by OPM and other agency heads will permit helpful administrative determinations regarding "the interplay of the Orders with 'applicable law' " (Defs.' Mem. at 40), or because the Order provisions that merely "set goals for the outcome of agencies' negotiations and advise agencies on policy considerations while bargaining with individual unions" are too fact-bound to be fit for judicial review (id. at 41). As demonstrated below, Defendants' ripeness contentions misconstrue either the nature of the President's orders, or the claims that the Unions are making about those orders-or both-and thus are not persuasive.
Take the first category first: with respect to the Unions' purportedly unripe challenges to those executive order provisions that authorize further 'clarification' by OPM and the like, see, e.g., Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 4(c) (ordering rulemaking to "clarify and assist agencies in implementing these rules"), it is clear to this Court that any future clarification by OPM or other agencies will be of limited scope, because the anticipated future regulations will necessarily pertain to the clear and concrete policy change that the President has made regarding how federal agencies or federal employees must act going forward with respect to collective bargaining negotiations, and this Court has no doubt that the President's orders will be received as such, (see AFGE's Reply at 20-21; NFFE's Reply at 13; NTEU's Reply at 16 -17.) In other words, as far as subsequent 'clarifications' are concerned, there is really not much left to be done.
The ripeness contentions that Defendants make with respect to the executive order provisions that pertain to what agencies should "ordinarily" do in various collective bargaining circumstances fare no better. Section 5(a) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order, section 3(a) of the Official Time Order, and section 3 of the Removal Procedures Order prescribe goals that agencies should "ordinarily" negotiate toward, Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a); Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(a), and/or steps that an agency should take as part of labor negotiations "[w]henever reasonable[,]" Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 3. Given the literal language of these Order provisions, there is no question that agencies retain a measure of discretion that will necessarily result in "a factual outcome" that is "sure to vary by agency and bargaining unit[.]" (Defs.' Mem. at 41.) But the question of whether these Order provisions themselves are ultra vires does not turn on these variable outcomes; rather, the Unions have suggested, among other things, that the President cannot prescribe these types of aspirational goals because, in doing so, he has constrained agency officials' bargaining discretion in a manner that violates the statute. (See, e.g. , NTEU's Mem. at 24 ("Section 3 does not allow for any real bargaining on amounts of official time[.]" (emphasis added) ); AFSCME's Reply at 18 ("[T]he clear effect of Section 5(a) is to set an unreasonable baseline by decree rather than to approach negotiations in good faith and with an open mind[.]").
Properly understood, then, the Unions' 'conflict' contentions are not necessarily about the reasonableness of the particular
C. The President Has The Statutory And Constitutional Authority To Issue Executive Orders That Pertain To Federal Labor-Management Relations, So Long As His Orders Do Not Conflict With The Will Of Congress
With Defendants' threshold arguments out of the way, the merits of the Unions' claims take center stage. As has repeatedly been mentioned, the Unions have made a variety of claims in the four consolidated actions that are now before this Court; for the purpose of this Memorandum Opinion, the Court first addresses the Unions' assertion that the President of the United States cannot issue executive orders that carry the force of law in the field of federal labor-management relations, because he lacks the statutory and/or constitutional authority to do so. (See NFFE's Compl. ¶¶ 82-95; AFSCME's Compl. ¶¶ 102-03.) As explained below, this Court finds that binding precedent and the history of presidential action in this arena compels the conclusion that both section 7301 of Title 5 of the United States Code and the President's inherent constitutional power as head of the Executive Branch authorizes him to act in the field of federal labor-management relations (see Part IV.C.1, infra ), and furthermore, the Unions have largely overstated the extent to which Congress sought to divest the President of any such authority with its enactment of the FSLMRS/CSRA (see Part IV.C.2, infra ). But there is no serious dispute that any orders a President issues in this area must be consistent with the will of Congress (see Part IV.C.3, infra ), and ultimately, that is the principle that
1. Before The Enactment Of The FSLMRS And CSRA, Presidents Had The Authority To Issue Executive Orders Regulating Federal Labor-Management Relations
As this Court mentioned at the outset, both President Kennedy and President Nixon utilized executive orders to regulate federal labor-management relations in a manner that afforded significant protections to federal workers. (See Part II.A, supra .) See also Exec. Order No. 11,491 ; Exec. Order No. 10,988. With their ultra vires arguments, NFFE and AFSCME have strongly suggested that there has never been statutory authority for presidents to issue any such orders with respect to federal labor relations. (NFFE's Reply at 21-23; AFSCME's Compl. ¶¶ 102-03.) For their part, Defendants maintain that "the Supreme Court has held that the President is authorized by both Article II of the Constitution and congressional statute to issue executive orders regulating labor relations in the federal government [.]" (Defs.' Reply at 29.) This dispute is material to the Unions' overall attack on the source of the President's authority to act in this arena, and, as defense counsel suggests, this Court does not pen its analysis on an entirely blank slate.
In Old Dominion Branch No. 496, National Association of Letter Carriers v. Austin ,
Old Dominion can only be read to support the conclusion that the President of the United States possesses the authority to issue executive orders regarding federal labor-management relationships, at least in the pre-FSLMRS world. Indeed, that appears to have been the generally accepted view throughout history, because, by executive order presidents have dictated an entire scheme of federal labor-management relations, see Manhattan-Bronx Postal Union v. Gronouski ,
The best that NFFE can do to resist the conclusion that some combination of statutory authority and constitutional authority provides the President with sufficient power to enter the labor-management arena is to argue that the Supreme Court did not mean what it said in Old Dominion . (See
NFFE's argument also withers when viewed in light of the plain language of section 7301. For example, NFFE emphatically argues that while section 7301 gives the President express authority to "prescribe regulations for the conduct of employees in the executive branch[,]"
2. The FSLMRS And CSRA Did Not Divest The President Of Any Authority In This Field
Several of the union plaintiffs insist, in the alternative, that even if past presidents had the statutory and constitutional authority to issue executive orders regarding the federal labor-management relationship, Congress unquestionably intended to foreclose any such action in 1978, when it enacted the FSLMRS and CSRA. (See NFFE's Mem. at 28 ("Congress wrested the power to regulate federal labor-management relations away from the Executive Branch with the passage of the [FSLMRS.]"); NFFE's Reply at 20 ("[T]he overall purpose of the Statute was to divest the President of authority to regulate federal sector labor relations through executive orders." (emphasis in original) ).) The first (and, frankly, most imposing) hurdle that the Unions have to face in sustaining this argument is the language of the FSLMRS itself. The codified provisions of that statute mention the President expressly in only three respects. First, in section 7103(b) of Title 5 of the United States Code, Congress provides "[t]he President" with the authority to "issue an order excluding any agency or subdivision thereof from coverage under [the FSLMRS]" for reasons pertaining to national security.
This omission is crucial. Congress clearly knew that Presidents had previously dabbled in regulating federal labor relations by executive order, see, e.g.,
What is more, in their briefing and during the motions hearing, Defendants pointed to language in the original Public Law that appears so definitive that it can only be understood as closing the case with respect to this investigation into Congress's intent. At the tail end of the document that became the CSRA, Congress included the heading-"POWERS OF PRESIDENT UNAFFECTED EXCEPT BY EXPRESS PROVISIONS"-and then inserted the following statement:
SEC. 904. Except as otherwise expressly provided in this Act, no provision of this Act shall be construed to[:] (1) limit, curtail, abolish, or terminate any function of, or authority available to, the President which the President had immediately before the effective date of this Act; or (2) to limit, curtail, or terminate the President's authority to delegate, redelegate, or terminate any delegation of functions.
Civil Service Reform Act of 1978, Pub. L. 95-454, § 904,
This is not to say that the Unions are entirely wrong to observe that Congress enacted a "specific statute in 1978 comprehensively governing Federal sector labor relations" (NFFE's Reply at 23), or to note that the FSLMRS "reached every aspect" of that relationship (AFGE's Mem. at 9). See also H.R. Rep. No. 95-1403 at 38 (explaining that the FSLMRS represents
All things considered, then, this Court concludes that the Unions have no sustainable basis for contending that Congress divested the President of his authority to act in the field of federal labor relations by enacting the FSLMRS and CSRA. That said, whether the President can proceed to issue labor relations executive orders that conflict with Congress's own pronouncements is another issue, as the Court explains below.
3. The President's Executive Orders Concerning This Area Must Be Consistent With Congress's Pronouncements
There is no dispute that, even if the President can issue executive orders that carry the force of law in the field of federal labor-management relations, he does not have a "blank check ... to fill in at his will." Kahn ,
Of course, the President could always theoretically claim that he possesses the inherent constitutional authority to take a given action, regardless of any conflict with a congressional statute and his resulting lack of statutory authority. See, e.g., Zivotofsky ,
D. Many Of The Order Provisions The Unions Have Challenged In This Case Impermissibly Infringe Upon The Statutory Right To Bargain Collectively
The FSLMRS expressly enshrines the right of federal employees to bargain collectively with respect to their working conditions. See BATF ,
(1) experience in both private and public employment indicates that the statutory protection of the right of employees to organize, bargain collectively, and participate through labor organizations of their own choosing in decisions which affect them-
(A) safeguards the public interest,
(B) contributes to the effective conduct of public business, and
(C) facilitates and encourages the amicable settlements of disputes between employees and their employers involving conditions of employment[.]
The plain text of the FSLMRS also dispels all myths about that statute's purposes: "to prеscribe certain rights and obligations of the employees of the Federal Government and to establish procedures which are designed to meet the special requirements and needs of the Government."
1. Section 7103(a) And D.C. Circuit Caselaw Define The Contours Of The Statutory Right To Bargain Collectively
The FSLMRS not only created the statutory right of federal employees to "collective bargaining," but also (quite helpfully) expressly defined that term. In relevant part, the definitions section (
"collective bargaining" means the performance of the mutual obligation of the representative of an agency and the exclusive representative of employees in an appropriate unit in the agency to meet at reasonable times and to consult and bargain in a good-faith effort to reach agreement with respect to the conditions of employment affecting such employees and to execute, if requested by either party, a written document incorporating any collective bargaining agreement reached, but the obligation referred to in this paragraph does not compel either party to agree to a proposal or to make a concession[.]
But the primary mandate is clear: in contrast to workplace scenarios in which rules and requirements can be unilaterally imposed upon workers by the management, under the FSLMRS, labor representatives and agency managers are obliged "to consult and bargain" regarding the conditions of employment, and to proceed in "good faith" during any such collective bargaining negotiations.
a. The Duty To Bargain
The text of the FSLMRS plainly establishes a three-tier approach that delineates the boundaries of the parties' statutory duty "to bargain" about working conditions in the federal civil service. To begin, there is a presumptive requirement that federal agencies and labor unions must bargain over any "condition of employment[,]" meaning any "personnel policies, practices, and matters" that affect agency employees.
The FSLMRS also identifies certain other matters that courts have deemed "permissive"-i.e. , matters that an agency may bargain over "at [its] election[.]"
Third, and finally, the statute specifically "places a number of substantive topics off limits for bargaining[,]" including the "management rights" contained in section 7106(a) of Title 5 of the United States Code, Chertoff ,
What this three-tier structure means is that the scope of collective bargaining between federal agencies and unions under the FSLMRS encompasses the negotiation of all mandatory subjects (i.e. , all conditions of employment not excluded or excludable under sections 7106 or 7117 ), as well as discussions regarding the prospect of negotiating any of the permissive bargaining matters laid out in section 7106(b)(1) ( i.e. , matters over which the agency can opt to reach an agreement). See U.S. Dep't of the Navy, Naval Aviation Depot, Cherry Point, N.C. ,
b. The Duty To Act In Good Faith
The FSLMRS also expressly requires both labor unions and agencies to negotiate "in good faith" during collective bargaining negotiations. See, e.g. ,
To satisfy this duty, agencies and unions have a clear statutory obligation: to "approach [ ] negotiations with a sincere resolve to reach a collective bargaining agreement"; to "be represented at the negotiations by duly authorized representatives prepared to discuss and negotiate on any condition of employment"; and to "meet at reasonable times and convenient places as frequently as may be necessary, and to avoid unnecessary delays[.]"
c. Takeaways Regarding Agency Conduct With Respect To Federal Labor Negotiations
The FSLMRS's unequivocal duties to (a) "bargain" and (b) negotiate
In regard to what agencies can and cannot do, National Treasury Employees Union v. Chertoff ,
As far as agency management's obligation to respect employees' right to bаrgain goes, Chertoff provides at least three relevant lessons. First, it establishes that the linchpin of identifying agency conduct that impermissibly undermines the right to bargain is whether the agency's actions strike at the "core element[s]" of collective bargaining as defined by statute. (See Part IV.D.1(a), (b), supra .) Chertoff ,
Not surprisingly, Defendants read Chertoff differently. They argue, for example, that the hallmark of an impermissible reduction in the scope of bargaining under Chertoff is not whether the agency has acted to remove from the collective bargaining table topics that Congress has specifically identified as negotiable, but whether what is left on the table is sufficient to constitute collective bargaining within the meaning of statute. (See, e.g. , Defs.' Mem. at 73 ("[T]he HR system struck down by the D.C. Circuit in Chertoff bears no resemblance to the collective bargaining regime that continues to exist under the President's Executive Orders."); see also Defs.' Reply at 24 (quoting Chertoff to suggest that an egregious near-total diminution of bargaining is necessary, based on the D.C. Circuit's observation that the challenged act before it had "reduced the scope of bargaining ... to 'virtually nil' " (citation omitted) ).) But Chertoff's analysis does not demand this result. To be sure, in that case the D.C. Circuit evaluated what appears to have been a near total abrogation of the collective bargaining right, but that says nothing about whether a less egregious affront can suffice to impair the right to bargain in violation of the FSLMRS. With respect to that key question, Chertoff established (and this Court concludes) that "the norms of 'collective bargaining' " matter,
One final takeaway bears mentioning: we have learned from the FLRA that an executive branch official can be found to have "instruct[ed]" agency negotiators in a manner that "preclude[s] the existence of the prerequisite good faith necessary under the" FSLMRS. Fed. Aviation Admin. Nw. Mountain Region Seattle, WA ,
2. Certain Provisions Of The Challenged Executive Orders Dramatically Curtail The Scope Of Bargaining Because Agencies And Unions Will No Longer Negotiate Over A Host Of Significant Issues
With the above framework in mind, it is clear to this Court that various aspects of the Orders that the Unions seek to challenge in this case violate the statutorily protected duty to bargain. This violation is most easily perceived as an illegitimate attempt to take four categories of otherwise negotiable matters off the bargaining table: (1) all of the permissive subjects of bargaining that Congress has listed in section 7106(b)(1) of Title 5 of the United States Code ; (2) the ways in which union members can receive and use official time (which the FSLMRS addresses in section 7131(d) ); (3) the agency's procedures for handling matters relating to inadequate employee performance, performance evaluations, and performance-based bonuses (which is covered in the statute at sections 7103(a)(12) and 7121 ); and (4) the methods for conducting collective bargaining in the first place (which are designated by Congress as a topic for negotiation under section 7114(a)(4) ).
a. The Orders Remove These Matters From The Scope Of The Right To Bargain Despite The Fact That Congress Has Made Them Negotiable
To be more specific, with respect to each of these bargaining categories, the challenged executive orders dictate the following. Section 6 of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order states that agencies "may not negotiate over the substance of the subjects set forth in section 7106(b)(1) of [T]itle 5"- period . Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 6. This means that unions and agencies will no longer engage in negotiations over such topics as "the numbers, types, and grades of employees or positions assigned to any organizational subdivision, work project, or tour of duty" and "the technology, methods, and means of performing work"-matters that Congress specifically designated as subject to negotiation "at the election of the agency" in section 7106(b)(1).
Even more dramatically, the Official Time Order completely reconceptualizes the terms and scope of bargaining regarding the right of employees to engage in union business during their paid working hours-a topic that the FSLMRS specifically covers. See Exec. Order No. 13,837. Subsections (a) and (c) of section 7131 of the FSLMRS provide a list of certain activities for which a federal agency must grant "official time" to labor representatives,
By restricting negotiation over the procedures that an agency uses to evaluate employee performance, the Removal Procedures Order takes a similar tack. See Exec. Order No. 13,839. For example, section 4(a) explicitly prohibits agencies from subjecting disputes about assignment ratings ( i.e. , performance evaluations) or performance-based monetary awards to any "grievance procedures or binding arbitration[,]"
Courts and the FLRA have decided that each of the matters discussed above falls within the scope of the right to bargain that Congress sought to protect when it enacted the FSLMRS. See BATF ,
b. The Removed Topics Are Important To The Functioning Of Labor Organizations And The Fairness Of Collective Bargaining Negotiations
Notably, the issue of whether or not the right to bargain has been impermissibly reduced as a result of the removal of these matters from the realm of negotiation turns on more than just the number of matters the Orders remove from the ambit of collective bargaining discussions; it also depends on the relative importance of the subjects that the orders target in this regard. When viewed from this perspective, this Court's assessment of whether these provisions of the Orders conflict with the will of Congress becomes even more grave.
Consider, for example, the ban on agency and union negotiations over the potential of negotiating the permissive bargaining matters listed in section 7106(b)(1). In
But that is not the only canary in the coal mine. Indeed, one could argue that the executive order provisions that restrict and limit official time have an even bigger impact on the scope of bargaining that the FSLMRS protects. By prohibiting union members from using official time for lobbying efforts or for the pursuit of other employees' grievances, the Official Time Order has eliminated what the Unions say are two indisputably central activities of labor organizations: attempting to preserve and expand (through lobbying) the statutory protections for workers and the right to collective bargaining (see, e.g. , NFFE's Stmt. of Facts ¶ 58; Decl. of Kenneth Moffett, Jr., Ex. 1 to Pl. NTEU's Mot. for Summ. J., ECF No. 29-4, ¶ 35), and seeking to enforce the results of collective bargaining negotiations by working with their members to file grievances under negotiated grievance procedures about the violation of agreed-to conditions (see, e.g. , NTEU's Stmt. of Facts ¶¶ 30, 47; Decl. of Witold Skwierczynski, Ex. 3 to Pl. AFGE's Mot. for Summ. J., ECF No. 30-6, ¶ 27). For a very long time in this country, unions have played a "major" role "in urging legislation and candidacies" with the goal of advancing policy agendas that are favorable to workers. Int'l Ass'n of Machinists v. Street ,
Thus, it is entirely unsurprising that unions have sought to protect and defend the right to bargain over the use of official time for lobbying and grievance assistance, both before and after the enactment of the FSLMRS. See Patent Office Prof'l Ass'n v. Fed. Labor Relations Auth. ,
id="p428" href="#p428" data-label="428" data-citation-index="1" class="page-label">*428
Insofar as the Official Time Order also generally requires agency management to pre-approve union representatives' use of official time, see Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 4(b), one could argue that this singular provision is the one that does the most damage to the statutory right to bargain that the FSLMRS establishes. This is so because requiring preapproval effectively confers upon management the discretion to dictate when, if ever, union employees may use paid time to engage in union activities. See
Likewise, and finally, forbidding agencies from bargaining over the length of time available to an employee to "demonstrate acceptable performance" under section 4302(c)(6) of Title 5 of the United States Code effectively silences workers with respect to "one of the most important rights" relating to performance-based employment actions. Sandland ,
This all demonstrates that even though the Orders touch upon only selected matters
3. Certain Provisions Of The Executive Orders Impede The Prospect Of Good Faith Negotiations
Sections 5(a) and (e) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order, section 3(a) of the Official Time Order, and section 3 of the Removal Procedures Order, create a new series of norms and default bargaining positions, and in this Court's view, these standards prevent federal agency representatives from bargaining with labor organizations "in good faith," consistent with their duty under the FSLMRS. See
First of all, several of these provisions tell the agencies-at the outset-what should "ordinarily" happen with respect to certain negotiable terms and negotiation processes during the course of collective bargaining. Section 5(a) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order, for example, provides that "ordinarily" agencies shall only devote a certain amount of time to negotiating the ground rules for a collective bargaining process (no more than six weeks) or to hammering out the terms of a final collective bargaining agreement (between four to six months). Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a). Section 3(a) of the Official Time Order similarly prescribes that agencies should "ordinarily" not agree to provide unions with more than one hour of official time per union member employed with the bargaining agency, in the aggregate. Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(a). And section 3 of the Removal Procedures Order instructs agencies that they should, "[w]henever reasonable[,]" endeavor to exclude
Given the rights that the FSLMRS confers, such preconceived notions of the 'ordinary' length of negotiations or the standard amount of official time to be authorized, are unwarranted, and ultimately unduly restrictive, because there is no such thing as a typical collective bargaining agreement with respect to each of these terms-all of these matters concern negotiable conditions of employment or negotiated procedures for collective bargaining, as the FLRA has recognized. See Dep't of the Air Force Eglin Air Force Base, Fla. ,
Furthermore, each of these norm-setting provisions of the executive orders contains an implicit enforcement mechanism that effectively transforms these norms from fashionable "aspirations," merely to be tried on and thoughtfully pondered during the course of negotiations (Defs.' Mem. at 41), into an impermeable straightjacket. In this regard, each Order first announces the endpoint that the agency must strive to achieve in the "ordinar[y]" course of things, or whenever it is "reasonable" for the agency to do so. Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a); Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(a); Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 3. Then, across the board, these provisions indicate that "[a]gencies shall commit the time and resources necessary" to achieve these objectives. Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a); Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(a); Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 3. And, in the unlikely event that the agency somehow fails to bring all of its resources to bear upon the assigned task of browbeating the union into accepting the stated term in the context of any negotiation, the agency must either bring the matter to mediation and then to the Federal Impasse Panel, see Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a) (regarding ground-rule negotiations), or must explain to the "President [of the United States] through the Director of the Office of Personnel Management" why it relented, and thereby, shamefully, failed to achieve the goal, Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(b); Exec Order No. 13,839 § 3.
This Court has no doubt that the net effect of these provisions is to put an entire hand on the scale with respect to certain negotiable provisions of a collective bargaining agreement before negotiations even begin (never mind the thumb), and to require agency negotiators to cut off any digits that union representatives might seek to extend in the hopes of reaching an agreement on these particular issues. In effect, agency negotiators are told that they must enter into the negotiating arena wielding predetermined goals, and must be prepared to fight to the death on these prescribed issues, in a manner that, in this Court's view, is not meaningfully susceptible to the open "give and take" negotiating process that the duty to bargain in good faith anticipates. Fed. Aviation Admin. Nw. Mountain Region Seattle, WA ,
Under the FSLMRS, the collective bargaining process is not a cutthroat death match. Cf. Nat'l Labor Relations Bd. v. Katz ,
Section 5(e) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order conflicts with the duty of good faith bargaining for a similar reason. That executive order provision provides that, with respect to the manner of bargaining, agencies "shall request the exchange of written proposals" and "should, at the soonest opportunity, take steps" to remove any other approach to collective bargaining from current collective bargaining agreements or collective bargaining ground rules. Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(e). However, even a mere "request" to conduct collective bargaining negotiations entirely on paper (and especially pursuant to changed agency rules requiring this result) risks altering the fundamental nature of the fair and flexible bargaining process that the FSLMRS guarantees, for collective bargaining negotiations are supposed to involve flexible exchanges between knowledgeable institutional actors who meet regularly to try to come to an agreement.
Furthermore, a written-proposal request carries with it the implicit assertion that the requestor (the agency representative) himself does not have "full" authority to commit to or to comment about union proposals, see Am. Fed. of Gov't Emps., Local 1916 ,
Notably, section 5(e) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order not only introduces an element of inflexibility into the process of negotiating that is antithetical to the good faith negotiations that the FSLMRS guarantees, but it also expressly prevents negotiation over whether or not proposals must be made in writing-which is an otherwise negotiable term of a collective bargaining agreement. See
4. Defendants' Best 'No-Conflict' Counterarguments Are Meritless
In their briefs and during the hearing, Defendants made a host of compelling counterarguments, but upon reflection, none of them effectively counters this Court's conclusion that the challenged provisions of the Orders described above exceed the President's statutory authority because they conflict with the letter and the spirit of the FSLMRS. (See Part IV.D.2 and 3, supra .) Only two of Defendants' contentions are worth addressing here.
a. The Specious Section 7117 Suggestion
Defendants vigorously maintain that the President has the statutory authority to issue the challenged executive order provisions notwithstanding any conflict with the tenets of FSLMRS-and, in fact, that the President has explicit authorization to contradict Congress-because the Orders qualify as "Government-wide rule[s]" under section 7117(a)(1). To hear Defendants tell it, the following statutory statement provides the window through which Congress has permitted the President to toss any of the other labor relations mandates that Congress has made:
[T]he duty to bargain in good faith shall, to the extent not inconsistent with any Federal law or any Government-wide rule or regulation, extend to matters which are the subject of any rule or regulation only if the rule or regulation is not a Government-wide rule or regulation.
The strangeness of Defendants' contention that, in the context of a statute that Congress has crafted to protect workers' rights to good-faith collective bargaining, Congress intended to confer upon the President the power to issue executive orders that nullify those protections, cannot be overstated. A plain, compelling, and entirely reasonable alternative explanation for the statute's language carving-out "Government-wide rule[s] or regulations" is that government-wide standards sometimes relate to various terms and conditions of employment in the civil service. See, e.g.,
In so arguing, Defendants have (voila !) made a distracting shiny object out of an otherwise entirely unremarkable statutory exemption. But this Court has kept its focus on Congress's stated "findings and purposes," which provide clear context for the statute in which section 7117 is nestled. As has by now been said repeatedly, Congress enacted the FSLMRS to protect and preserve collective bargaining rights, not to destroy them. Thus, what Defendants' section 7117 analysis has not answered-and cannot answer-is why an exception to collective bargaining principles that allows the President (or any other agency official, for that matter) to pick off any of the mandatory or permissive topics of negotiation that Congress took care to delineate in the FSLMRS, and put it into the management rights (non-negotiable) bundle, would ever be inserted in this statute? Defendants attempt to distract from this fundamental unanswered inquiry by providing a detailed discussion of the reason why the scope of its favored interpretation is actually less expansive than its implications might suggest. (See, e.g.,
Not surprisingly, the D.C. Circuit has confirmed that government officials are not permitted to issue government-wide regulations "that merely restate[ ] a statutorily guaranteed prerogative of management" in order to "render a bargaining proposal nonnegotiable when the underlying statutory prerogative does not do so[.]" Office of Pers. Mgmt. v. Fed. Labor Relations Auth. ,
U.S. Department of the Treasury, IRS v. Federal Labor Relations Authority ,
Even if section 7117(a)(1) could be used to regulate collective bargaining directly in the way that Defendants suggest, it cannot seriously be maintained that Congress has authorized the President to abrogate the right to "bargain collectively" as the challenged provisions of the Orders do here. See IRS ,
b. The Mistaken 'Mere Guidance' Characterization
The other 'no conflict' argument that merits discussion is Defendants' repeated suggestion that many provisions in these Orders merely provide goals for agencies to strive towards, and therefore cannot conflict with the FSLMRS by nature. (See Defs.' Mem. at 46 (suggesting that orders that do not constitute "hard-and-fast rules" cannot confliсt with the substantive rights conferred by statute).) This counterargument also fails to carry the day. Even if such provisions are "deliberately flexible[,]" and even if nothing "precludes [agencies] from" deviating from the "objectives" within these provisions (id. ), such directives can violate the duty to bargain in good faith that the FSLMRS prescribes nevertheless, and for the reasons laid out in Part IV.D.3, supra , they do so.
Defendants' argument fails to appreciate that the conflict at issue with respect to these provisions is not an identifiable tension with a particular substantive requirement over which agencies and unions must bargain (as is the case with the right to bargain transgressions (See Part IV.D.2, supra ).) Rather, for the purpose of this Court's analysis, the relevant conflict is the distinct (and admittedly general) statutory obligation that the parties must undertake to negotiate in "good faith[.]"
Finally, it makes no difference that the President's guidance in the context of these challenged Order provisions is packaged with "repeated directives that agencies must continue to meet their statutory duty to bargain in good faith." (Defs.' Mem. at 73; see also id. at 45-46; 50-52.) See Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(a); Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 3(a); Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 3. That command does not abate the conflict, for, as Part IV.D.3 explains, prescribing specified goals and suggesting fixed outcomes, while simultaneously flashing the coercive implement of mandatory reporting requirements, wreaks a kind of damage with respect to the negotiating mindset of agency officials that a subsequent,
As the D.C. Circuit has recognized, "it takes more than mere surface bargaining" for a party to act in good faith "for purpose[s] of collective bargaining." Cap Santa Vue, Inc. v. Nat'l Labor Relations Bd. ,
E. The Remaining Challenged Provisions Of These Executive Orders Are Legitimate Exercises Of The President's Authority
This Court now arrives at the final stop in the epic journey that the parties' various claims and arguments have required it to make. Here, the Court reaches the clear conclusion that not each and every provision that the Unions challenge within the Orders runs afoul of a right protected within the FSLMRS or within the CSRA.
For example, with respect to the Unions' claim that section 5(c) of the Collective Bargaining Procedures Order is an unauthorized exercise of presidential power (see AFSCME's Mem. at 28-29), the Court discerns no conflict with the FSLMRS. This is because Section 5(c) merely provides that, if union representatives delay or impede negotiations in bad faith, federal agency representatives shall only "consider" filing an unfair labor practice or unilaterally implementing a proposal. Exec. Order No. 13,836 § 5(c). The FSLMRS plainly authorizes such filings in appropriate situations, and nothing in the Order requires agencies to take steps incompatible with that statutory authorization. See
Nor do section 2(j) of the Official Time Ordеr or section 2(c) of the Removal Procedures Order (see NTEU's Mem. at 31-34; AFGE's Mem. at 20-21), present statutory conflicts. These provisions are little more than general statements that define other terms in the Orders, or they espouse abstract policy principles that are too generalized to dictate particular outcomes. See, e.g. , Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 2(j) (defining the phrase "union time rate"); Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 2(c) (remarking, inter alia , that "[e]ach employee's work performance and disciplinary history is unique, and disciplinary action should be calibrated to the specific facts and circumstances of each individual employee's situation"); see also
The Unions have challenged section 4(b)(iii) of the Removal Procedures Order, which specifically informs federal agencies that they must refuse to bargain over any proposal "that limits the agency's discretion to remove an employee from Federal service without first engaging in progressive discipline[,]" Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 4(b)(iii), but this Court agrees with Defendants that this particular provision lines up with the FSLMRS. Section 7106(a)(2) of Title 5 of the United States Code specifically exempts from the duty to bargain in good faith issues regarding the power of management "to suspend, remove, reduce in grade or pay, or take other disciplinary action against [agency] employees[.]"
The Unions' challenges to section 4(c) of the Official Time Order and section 7 of the Removal Procedures Order are similarly deficient. (See NFFE's Mem. at 34-35, 40; AFSCME's Mem. at 37.) Congress has clearly vested OPM with the authority to "execut[e], administer[ ], and enforc[e] the civil service rules and regulations of the President and the Office and the laws governing the civil service[,]"
Finally, one of the Unions has raised a constitutionаl Take Care Clause claim against Defendants; at this point, the contention seems to be that, even if the Court finds that the remaining executive order provisions do not create statutory conflicts with the FSLMRS, these provisions, too, must be enjoined as a violation of the President's duty to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." (AFSCME's Mem. at 10 ("This clause commands that the President shall execute this duty with 'care' and 'faithfully'; this duty is therefore one of good faith towards Congressional statutes[.]").) At bottom, this argument suggests that the manner in which the President has interpreted and enforced the FSLMRS and the CSRA has not been in good faith, and thus, his act of issuing these Orders violates the Constitution's Take Care Clause. (See
As an initial matter, it is not at all clear that a claim under the Take Care Clause presents a justiciable claim for this Court's resolution. See Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Wash. v. Trump ,
* * *
The end is nigh. As explained in Part IV.D of this Memorandum Opinion, many of the challenged provisions of the President's Orders constitute an improper exercise of his statutory authority to regulate federal employee labor relations, because they conflict with the right to good-faith collective bargaining that the FSLMRS seeks to protect. The Orders that the President issued on May 25, 2018, and that have been evaluated extensively in this Opinion, will not be invalidated in toto , however, given the President's clear intent that any invalid provisions within these orders should be severed from the rest. See, e.g. , Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 9(f); Exec. Order No. 13,839 § 8(e); cf. Ass'n of Am. R.R. v. U.S. Dep't of Transp., et al. ,
V. CONCLUSION
In their cross-motion for summary judgment, Defendants assert that the fact "that the President's policy choices about how best to guide the conduct of employees in the Executive Branch do not align with Plaintiffs' own policy preferences is not a proper basis for seeking judicial review." (Defs.' Mem. at 71.) This is undoubtedly true. But the core claim that the Unions make in the context of the instant case is that the President's policy choices as reflected in the challenged executive orders do not align with the policy preferences of Congress , and in this Court's view, that contention is undoubtedly true as well.
In short, there is no dispute that the principle mission of the FSLMRS is to protect the collective bargaining rights of federal workers, based on Congress's clear and unequivocal finding that "labor organizations and collective bargaining in the civil service are in the public interest."
As a result, and as set forth in the accompanying Order, this Court will declare the following provisions invalid, and will enjoin the President's subordinates from implementing or giving effect to: Executive Order 13,836 §§ 5(a), 5(e), 6; Executive Order 13,837 §§ 3(a), 4(a), 4(b); and Executive Order 13,839 §§ 3, 4(a), 4(c). What remains- Executive Order 13,836 § 5(c); Executive Order 13,837 §§ 2(j), 4(c); and Executive Order 13,839 §§ 2(b), 2(c), 4(b)(iii), 7-are the few challenged directives that have neither reduced the scope of protected collective bargaining rights nor hampered good faith bargaining, and, thus, cannot be said to conflict with the FSLMRS. Furthermore, given these conclusions, the parties' various cross-motions for summary judgment are GRANTED IN PART AND DENIED IN PART .
Notes
The lead plaintiff unions are: the American Federation of Government Employees, AFL-CIO ("AFGE"); the National Treasury Employees Union ("NTEU"); the National Federation of Federal Employees, FD1, IAMAW, AFL-CIO ("NFFE"); and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, AFL-CIO ("AFSCME"). Joining those Plaintiffs are the International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers, AFL-CIO; the Seafarers International Union of North America, AFL-CIO; the National Association of Government Employees, Inc.; the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the Federal Education Association, Inc.; the Metal Trades Department, AFL-CIO; the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers, AFL-CIO & CLC; the National Weather Service Employees Organization; the Patent Office Professional Association; the National Labor Relations Board Union; the National Labor Relations Board Professional Association; the Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, District No. 1 PCD, AFL-CIO; and the American Federation of Teachers, AFL-CIO.
Page-number citations to the documents that the parties have filed refer to the page numbers that the Court's electronic filing system automatically assigns.
See Pls.' Mem. in Supp. of Their Mot. for Summ. J. ("NFFE's Mem."), ECF No. 26; Pls. AFSCME's & AFT's Stmt. in Supp. of Mot. for Summ. J. & Joinder in Mots. Filed by Pls. AFGE, NTEU and NFFE, et al . ("AFSCME's Mem."), ECF No. 27-1; Mem. Supporting Pl. NTEU's Mot. for Summ. J. ("NTEU's Mem."), ECF No. 29-2; Mem. in Supp. of Pl. AFGE's Mot. for Summ. J. ("AFGE's Mem."), ECF No. 30-1; Defs.' Opp'n to Pls.' Mots. For Summ. J. & Defs.' Cross-Mot. for Summ. J. ("Defs.' Mot."), ECF 40; Pls.' Opp'n to Defs.' Cross Mot. for Summ. J. & Reply to Defs.' Opp'n to Pls.' Mot. for Summ J. ("NFFE's Reply"), ECF No. 45; Pl. NTEU's Consol. Opp'n to Defs.' Cross-Mot. for Summ. J. & Reply in Supp. of its Mot. for Summ J. ("NTEU's Reply"), ECF No. 48; Pls. AFSCME & AFT's Opp'n to Defs.' Cross-Mot. for Summ. J., Reply in Supp. of Pls.' Mot. for Summ. J., & Joinder in Opp'n to Defs.' Mot. for Summ. J. ("AFSCME's Reply"), ECF No. 49; Pl. AFGE's Opp'n to Defs.' Cross Mot. for Summ. J. & Reply to Defs.' Opp'n to AFGE's Mot. for Summ. J. ("AFGE's Reply"), ECF No. 50; Defs.' Reply in Supp. of Defs.' Cross-Mot. for Summ. J. ("Defs.' Reply"), ECF No. 51.
Defendants acknowledge that these three orders were issued simultaneously, as a package deal. (See Defs.' Mem. at 17 ("[T]he President issued three Executive Orders designed to promote more efficient and effective approaches to federal-sector collective bargaining and labor-management relations.").)
A similar analysis would apply to any attempt to bring the claims in this case before the MSPB. It is well established that "[t]he jurisdiction of the [MSPB] is not plenary[,]" Schmittling v. Dep't of the Army ,
See
The same is true of the Federal Circuit's jurisdiction to review claims that arise in cases brought before the MSPB. In any case "brought under
Thunder Basin had suggested that a pre-enforcement challenge in the context of an administrative adjudication is not wholly collateral, but National Mining emphasized that Thunder Basin "did not involve a regulation, which is typically treated different[ly] from an adjudication."
Even if the Court "ha[d] doubts" about whether the Unions' challenges to the goal-setting, aspirational provisions of these the Orders are fit for judicial resolution, the ongoing hardship that the Unions allege would be sufficient to propel the Court toward commencing judicial review. Nat'l Ass'n of Home Builders ,
It appears that, for a time, some courts believed that the "law[s] of the United States" could not encompass presidential orders that resulted from the President's own power to pursue "federal government personnel policies," but instead had to derive from a specific congressional decision to regulate a given industry or activity. Local 1498, AFGE ,
These cases actually seem to stand for the mere proposition that, because the executive orders at issue (and the regulations they contained) were not mandated by any overarching congressional statute or design, they could not constitute a "law of the United States" for purposes of section 1331 of Title 28. Of course, that contention has no bearing on the question of whether the President has statutory authority to issue executive orders in the field of federal labor relations.
See also
The Unions point to one other purported conflict between a provision of the Removal Procedures Order and the FSLMRS with regard to the scope of bargaining: section 4(b)(iii) of that Order prohibits an agency from "mak[ing] any agreement, including a collective bargaining agreement ... that limits the agency's discretion to remove an employee from Federal Service without first engaging in progressive discipline[.]" Exec. Order No. 13839 § 4(b)(iii). As explained in Part IV.E, this directive does not conflict with the scope of bargaining protected by the FSLMRS, because the FLRA has already determined that such matters are within the sole discretion of agency management under section 7106(a), and the opinion of this expert agency is entitled to Chevron deference.
As an aside, each of these Orders puts way too much stock in the FSLMRS's statements about an "effective" and "efficient" government, as a general matter. It is certainly true that that goal reflects one key aspect of the careful balance that Congress was attempting to strike between management and labor. See, e.g. ,
The parties to collective bargaining negotiations can still conceivably bargain over the circumstances under which official time might be appropriately granted (except for lobbying and grievances), and can include such circumstances in their agreements, under the Official Time Order's provision, but, as noted, the Order directs agencies to secure the power to grant or deny "authorization" for the requested use of official time for any reason, which will affect how official-time agreements are actually implemented. Exec. Order No. 13,837 § 4(b). Thus, agencies can turn any bargain regarding the scope of official time into a meaningless exercise, and according to the D.C. Circuit, that circumstance conflicts with the will of Congress, because "[n]one of the major statutory frameworks for collective bargaining allows a party to unilaterally abrogate a lawfully executed agreement." Chertoff ,
Because the above analysis invalidates section 4(a)(v) of the Official Time Order, which is the only Order provision to which the Unions' First Amendment claim related, it is unnecessary for this Court to consider the Unions' claims that section 4(a)(v) of the Official Time Order violates the Unions' First Amendment right to freely associate. (See AFGE's Mem. at 15-19; AFGE's Reply at 31-34; AFSCME's Mem. at 31-36; AFSCME's Reply at 10-15.)
With respect to the same matter, "rigidity" and "fluidity" are opposing concepts. See, e.g. , Paul J. Hagerman, Flexibility of RNA , 26 Ann. Rev. of Biophysics and Biomolecular Structure 139 (1997) (examining the helix and nonhelix components of RNA).
To the extent that Defendants' briefs make the argument that what the President set out to do with these Orders was to regulate the conduct of federal employees and agencies (see, e.g. , Defs.' Mem. at 49), the Court notes that Defendants have also maintained that the Orders were "designed to promote more efficient and effective approaches to federal-sector collective bargaining and labor-management relations" (id. at 17). In this Court's view, Defendants cannot have it both ways.
