Ali v. HoganAli v. Hogan
Case Information
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF MARYLAND SAQIB ALI *
* Civil Action No. CCB-19-78 v. *
*
LAWRENCE HOGAN, et al. *
MEMORANDUM
In this action, the plaintiff, Saqib Ali, raises a First and Fourteenth Amendment challenge to Maryland Governor Lawrence Hogan’s Executive Order Prohibiting Discriminatory Boycotts of Israel in State Procurement. Before the court is Governor Hogan’s motion to dismiss (ECF 25) and Attorney General Brian Frosh’s motion to dismiss (ECF 26). The matter has been fully briefed, and no further oral argument is necessary. For the reasons stated herein, the motions will be granted.
FACTS & PROCEDURAL HISTORY
Mr. Ali is a computer software engineer and has “experience designing, developing, testing, deploying and maintaining complex software systems for government contracts for the US Department of Defense.” (ECF 22, Am. Compl., ¶¶ 4, 44). He has also “dedicated himself to education and advocacy regarding the plight of the Palestinian people” and he “works to enlist as many members of the public as possible in joining him in non-violent opposition to Israel’s maltreatment of Palestinians.” ( Id. ¶ 47). To that end, he is involved with the “Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions” (“BDS”) movement, which “seeks the peaceful end of Israeli discrimination against and maltreatment of Palestinians” by “impos[ing] economic pressure on Israel to cease its settlement activity in Palestinian Territory.” ( Id. ¶ 15). For example, he “refuses to purchase Sabra hummus or SodaStream products, which have ties to Israel and its occupation of Palestine,” he advocates for others to join the BDS movement, and, in 2014, he “organized ‘Freedom2Boycott in Maryland,’ a coalition of statewide grassroots activists opposed to Maryland’s legislative proposals targeting the BDS movement” which “helped to defeat Maryland’s anti-BDS legislative proposals.” ( Id. ¶¶ 48, 50).
On October 23, 2017, Governor Hogan issued Executive Order 01.01.2017.25, titled “Prohibiting Discriminatory Boycotts of Israel in State Procurement.” The preamble refers to the Declaration of Cooperation between Maryland and Israel, and notes that “[b]oycotts of people or entities because of their Israeli national origin, or residence or incorporation in Israel and its territories, undermines the Declaration of Cooperation.” (ECF 25, Ex. A, Executive Order (“EO”), preamble). Section A of the Executive Order defines “Boycott of Israel” as “the termination of or refusal to transact business activities, or other actions intended to limit commercial relations, with a person or entity because of its Israeli national origin, or residence or incorporation in Israel and its territories.” (EO § (A)(1)). But “Boycott of Israel” does not include actions that are (1) not commercial in nature, (2) for business or economic reasons, (3) because of the specific conduct of the party, (4) against a public or governmental entity, or (5) forbidden by the United States pursuant to 50 U.S.C. § 4607. Section B of the Executive Order states that:
Executive agencies may not execute a procurement contract with a business entity unless it certifies, in writing when the bid is submitted or the contract is renewed, that:
1. it is not engaging in a boycott of Israel; and
2. it will, for the duration of its contractual obligations, refrain from a boycott of Israel.
Section C of the Executive Order provides that all requests for bids or proposals issued for contracts with executive agencies shall include the following certification to be signed by the bidder:
The undersigned bidder hereby certifies and agrees that the following information is correct: In preparing its bid on this project, the bidder has considered all proposals submitted from qualified, potential subcontractors and suppliers, and has not, in the solicitation, selection, or commercial treatment of any subcontractor, vendor, or supplier, refused to transact or terminated business activities, or taken other actions intended to limit commercial relations, with a person or entity on the basis of Israeli national origin, or residence or incorporation in Israel and its territories. The bidder also has not retaliated against any person or other entity for reporting such refusal, termination, or commercially limiting actions.
This certification is included in Maryland’s solicitation and invitation for bid documents, with slight changes in wording so it applies to both bids and proposals. (ECF 22 ¶ 34). It appears in the bid/proposal affidavit under the header “Prohibiting Discriminatory Boycotts of Israel.” (ECF 25, Ex. B, Bid/Proposal Affidavit, § M).
Mr. Ali alleges that, although he “only boycotts Israel in his personal capacity, signing this certification would be intimidating.” (ECF 22 ¶ 38). For example, it is not clear to Mr. Ali if the “other actions” clause is limited to the “in the solicitation, selection, or commercial treatment of any subcontractor, vendor, or supplier” clause, especially to the extent that Section C may cover what is more broadly prohibited by Section B. ( Id. ). Additionally, he “cannot sign the oath because it requires Ali to support a political position he opposes.” ( Id. ¶ 56). According to Mr. Ali, he has not bid on at least six government contracts because he cannot sign the Section C certification. ( Id. ¶¶ 53, 57).
Mr. Ali filed his initial complaint on January 9, 2019. (ECF 1). The defendants filed motions to dismiss and, as the court noted in its memorandum resolving those motions, the Governor asserted in his briefing and through counsel at oral argument that the language of Section B should be read as limited by the Section C certification, so the Executive Order “is but an Israel-specific reiteration of the general prohibition against national origin discrimination.” (ECF 20, Memorandum, at 6). On October 1, 2019, the court dismissed Mr. Ali’s complaint without prejudice, noting that “[g]iven the current allegations and the Governor’s express disavowal of any prohibitive effect beyond national origin discrimination in the preparation of the bid, the court finds that there is not sufficient controversy to go forward on the basis of a direct injury.” ( Id. at 8). The court stated that if Mr. Ali wished to proceed on the basis of a direct injury, he should submit a bid. ( Id. at 8–9). If Mr. Ali sought “to challenge Section C on the basis of what he alleged to be a content specific restriction, he must allege an injury in order to have standing to sue.” ( Id. at 9 n.4). Finally, if Mr. Ali wished to rely on the relaxed standing requirements applicable in First Amendment challenges, he must “file an amended complaint plausibly alleging that his First Amendment activities have been chilled or that despite the Governor’s interpretation of the Order, ‘it is likely to deter a person of ordinary firmness from the exercise of First Amendment rights.’” ( Id. at 10–11 (quoting Cooksey v. Futrell , 721 F.3d 226, 236 (4th Cir. 2013)).
Mr. Ali filed an amended complaint on October 29, 2019, asserting two counts. (ECF 22). First, he claims that the Executive Order abridges his freedom of speech and assembly, in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments. ( Id. at 12). Specifically, he argues that the Executive Order and the mandated “No Boycott of Israel” certification in Maryland bids and contracts each constitute viewpoint discrimination; are void for vagueness; and are each a prior restraint on speech, an unconstitutional condition on contractors, and an ideological litmus test and compelled speech. ( Id. ¶¶ 67, 70–72, 74). Mr. Ali also contests the Governor’s “purported interpretation” of the Executive Order as being “inconsistent with its text.” ( Id. ¶ 29). Second, he claims that the Executive Order and the “No Boycott of Israel” certification are unconstitutionally vague in violation of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. ( Id. ¶ 86).
STANDARD OF REVIEW
Issues of standing are analyzed under the rubric of a motion to dismiss pursuant to
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1) for lack of subject matter jurisdiction.
See Taubman
Realty Grp. Ltd. P’ship v. Mineta
,
DISCUSSION
Before reaching the merits of Mr. Ali’s First and Fourteenth Amendment claims, the
court must first resolve the threshold issue of standing, that “irreducible constitutional
minimum.”
Lujan
,
To satisfy the injury in fact requirement, the plaintiff must demonstrate that he has
“suffered an invasion of a legally protected interest,”
id.
at 135 (quoting
White Tail Park, Inc. v.
Stroube
,
In this case, the Governor argues that Mr. Ali fails to satisfy even the relaxed standing requirements that apply in First Amendment cases because there is no credible threat Mr. Ali would be prosecuted for submitting a bid and because Mr. Ali has not had his speech chilled. (ECF 25 at 9). [3] In response, Mr. Ali argues that he does have standing, first because he has sustained a direct injury in being prohibited from bidding on state contracts, and second because his inability to bid on such contracts is a burden on his free speech rights under the relaxed standards applicable in First Amendment challenges. (ECF 31, Combined Opp., at 11, 12). Thus, because the parties primarily dispute whether Mr. Ali can satisfy the injury in fact requirement, the court will address in turn each of Mr. Ali’s theories for establishing an injury.
I. Direct Injury
Mr. Ali asserts that he has sustained a direct, concrete injury from the Governor’s
Executive Order. Specifically, he argues that “he has been punished by an executive order that
declares him”—as a person who intends to continue to engage in BDS activity—“ineligible for
government contracts.” (ECF 31 at 11). Further, he contends, he need not submit a bid in order
to establish standing, as he has already been injured and as the Constitution does not require a
person to submit a futile bid to establish standing.
[4]
(
Id.
at 10–11). In response, the Governor
asserts that Mr. Ali cannot satisfy the traditional standing requirements under
Lujan v. Defenders
of Wildlife
,
A few courts recently have found that plaintiffs had standing to challenge laws requiring
certifications similar to the one at issue in the Governor’s Executive Order. First,
Arkansas
Times LP v. Waldrip
concerned Act 710, an Arkansas statute prohibiting state entities from
contracting with companies unless the companies certified that they are not and would not for the
duration of their contracts engage in a boycott of Israel.
Next,
Jordahl v. Brnovich
concerned Arizona Revised Statute § 35-393.01, a law
substantially similar to the one at issue in
Arkansas Times
.
Notably, both Jordahl and Arkansas Times featured plaintiffs who had a long history of contractual dealings with the state, and who had already negotiated a new contract and—but for the imposition of the certification requirement—would have executed it. As a result of their refusal to sign, the plaintiffs in those cases either lost a contract that otherwise would have been theirs, or were refused payment on a contract under which they had already rendered performance. Therefore, those plaintiffs could point to direct, concrete injuries on which to base their standing.
Unlike those plaintiffs, Mr. Ali cannot satisfy the injury in fact requirement by pointing
to a contract lost for failure to sign a certification, because he has not yet bid on a contract.
Instead, Mr. Ali’s theory of a direct injury rests upon his interpretation of the Executive Order as
prohibiting him from even submitting a bid on a contract in the first place. This interpretation is
contrary to the interpretation advanced by the Governor, who “has disavowed the applicability of
the Executive Order to people like Mr. Ali who choose to boycott Israeli goods and services as a
personal matter outside the context of State procurement.” (ECF 25 at 21). Ordinarily, a district
court is to accept as true all allegations in a plaintiff’s complaint.
Warth v. Seldin
, 422 U.S. at
501. But “[p]articular weight must be given to the Government disavowal of any intention to
prosecute on the basis of the Government’s own interpretation of [a] statute and its rejection of [a
plaintiff’s] interpretation as unreasonable.”
Blum v. Holder
,
The court finds that the Governor’s interpretation is the most reasonable and that his disavowal is consistent with the plain text of the Executive Order. Section B of the Executive Order prohibits state agencies from contracting with anyone engaging in a boycott of Israel, but defines boycott of Israel as “the termination of or refusal to transact business activities, or other actions intended to limit commercial relations, with a person or entity because of its Israeli national origin.” (EO § A(1)). “Commercial relations,” in turn, is defined as “a business entity’s conduct of business, and the terms and conditions by which business is transacted . . . .” (EO § A(3)). With the definitional language integrated into Section B, it reads:
Executive agencies may not execute a procurement contract with a business entity unless it certifies, in writing when the bid is submitted or the contract is renewed, that:
1. it is not engaging in [the termination of or refusal to transact business activities, or other actions intended to limit [a business entity’s conduct of business, and the terms and conditions by which business is transacted . . .], with a person or entity because of its Israeli national origin, or residence or incorporation in Israel and its territories]; and
2. it will, for the duration of its contractual obligations, refrain from [the same]. Notably, state agencies are prohibited from executing contracts with “business entit[ies]” which terminate or refuse “to transact business activities.” Therefore, a boycott of Israel requires a boycott in one’s business decisions.
Section C, which contains the language that Mr. Ali would have to sign to submit a bid, does require that bidders affirm they would not take “other actions intended to limit commercial relations” with “a person or entity on the basis of Israeli national origin.” (EO § C). But this clause is limited by its prefatory clauses—“[i]n preparing its bid on this project” and “in the solicitation, selection, or commercial treatment of any subcontractor, vendor, or supplier.” (EO § C). The portion of Section C that Mr. Ali finds most problematic should be read thus:
“ In preparing its bid on this project , the bidder . . . has not, in the solicitation, selection, or commercial treatment of any subcontractor, vendor, or supplier , . . . taken other actions intended to limit commercial relations, with a person or entity on the basis of Israeli national origin.” ( Id . (emphasis added)).
Read in light of its relevant adverbial clauses, Section C is effectively limited to an affirmation that the bidder has not discriminated in the bid formation process.
In sum, Section B prohibits state agencies from contracting with an entity engaging in a boycott of Israel in its business decisions, and Section C requires any bidder to affirm that he or she has not discriminated in the bid formation process. Significantly, Mr. Ali states that he only boycotts Israel in his personal capacity, by “refus[ing] to purchase Sabra hummus or SodaStream products, which have ties to Israel and its occupation of Palestine,” and by advocating for the BDS movement. (ECF 22 ¶¶ 38, 48). He does not allege that he boycotts Israel in his business capacity, except possibly for one sentence in his opposition stating that he “will continue to refuse to do business with, for instance, American citizens who operate in the West Bank.” (ECF 31 at 10). Other than this, Mr. Ali does not allege that he intends to participate in any activities that would be covered under the Executive Order, and it is not clear from Mr. Ali’s amended complaint that any of his potential work for the state—were he to bid on and obtain a contract—would require him to work with other businesses. As a result, the court cannot conclude that Mr. Ali is prohibited from bidding on a contract.
Accordingly, Mr. Ali has not sufficiently alleged a direct injury that would provide him with standing to challenge the Executive Order. If Mr. Ali is to have standing to challenge the Executive Order, it must flow from an injury caused by the certification requirement under the more relaxed standards of a First Amendment pre-enforcement challenge.
II. Pre-Enforcement Injury
There are two common ways of demonstrating an injury in fact in a pre-enforcement First
Amendment challenge. First, the plaintiff may allege “an intention to engage in a course of
conduct arguably affected with a constitutional interest, but proscribed by a statute” such that he
risks prosecution or some other penalty.
Babbitt v. United Farm Workers Nat’l Union
, 442 U.S.
289, 298 (1979);
see also Cooksey v. Futrell
,
In this case, Mr. Ali argues that (1) he would face a credible threat of prosecution if he submitted a bid with a signed certification, as his intention to “continue to refuse to do business with U.S. citizens operating in the West Bank” runs afoul of the certification requirement; and (2) the certification requirement operates to “chill the exercise of constitutionally protected speech and associations.” (ECF 22 ¶ 75; ECF 31 at 10). The Governor counters that the threat of prosecution is wholly speculative and that Mr. Ali’s speech has not been chilled. (ECF 25 at 16, 23). The court will address each theory for establishing a pre-enforcement injury in turn.
A. Threat of Prosecution
When a party brings a pre-enforcement challenge to a statute or regulation on the basis of
a threat of prosecution, he or she must allege (1) an intention to engage in a course of conduct
arguably affected with a constitutional interest and (2) that there exists a credible threat of
prosecution under the statute or regulation.
Babbitt
,
Cooksey v. Futrell
provides an illustrative example of a credible threat of prosecution.
Other cases decided by the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals teach that a credible threat of
prosecution exists where an organization inquires with a state agency whether its conduct would
violate a statute and the agency responds in the affirmative,
see North Carolina Right to Life
, 168
F.3d at 708–10, and—more clearly—where a plaintiff has actually been prosecuted in the past,
see Kenny
,
In this case, Mr. Ali cites Maryland’s debarment and perjury statutes and states that if he were to sign the certification he may “be subject to damages, disbarment, and even imprisonment.” (ECF 22 ¶¶ 32, 38 (citing Md. Code Ann., State Fin. & Proc. § 16-203(a)(12); Md. Code Ann., Crim. Law § 9-101(a)(4))). The Governor counters that given his disavowal of future enforcement and the lack of a history of prior enforcement, “Ali has in no way established” a credible threat that might cause a person of ordinary firmness to feel a chilling effect from the Executive Order. (ECF 25 at 21). Further, the Attorney General argues that since he has not enforced, threatened to enforce, or advised other agencies to enforce the Executive Order against Mr. Ali, there is no reasonable basis on which to feel a chilling effect. (ECF 26 at 16).
The court finds that Mr. Ali has not sufficiently alleged a credible threat of prosecution.
As explained above, the plain text of the Executive Order is in accord with the Governor’s
interpretation and the Governor has disavowed the interpretation of the Executive Order
advanced by Mr. Ali. Additionally, Mr. Ali has failed to identify any person who was
prosecuted or threatened with prosecution under this Executive Order. Mr. Ali himself has not
been prosecuted in the past—as the plaintiff in
Kenny
was—nor has he been threatened with
prosecution in the future. Further, Mr. Ali has not inquired with the state as to whether his
proposed conduct would violate the Executive Order, as the plaintiff in
North Carolina Right to
Life
did. Finally, unlike the plaintiff in
Cooksey
, whose conduct was reviewed and found by a
state agency to be illegal, the Governor in this case has represented just the opposite to this court,
stating that Mr. Ali will not be subjected to prosecution for engaging in any of the activities
listed in his amended complaint. In sum, barring any unanticipated changes to this status quo,
Mr. Ali is and should feel free to continue boycotting Israel in his personal capacity so long as he
does not do so in the context of bid formation. In this case, the threat of prosecution is too
speculative to make out an injury even under the relaxed standards of a First Amendment
challenge; there is no concrete allegation that would substantiate Mr. Ali’s fears, which “rest on
mere conjecture about possible governmental actions.”
Clapper
,
B. Chilled Speech
A party may also bring a pre-enforcement challenge to a statute or regulation by showing
self-censorship.
Cooksey
,
In the recent case of
Amawi v. Pflugerville Independent School District
, for example, the
court held that five sole proprietors who had contracts with various state agencies had standing to
challenge the inclusion of no-boycott clauses in their contracts because the plaintiffs “made a
clear showing” that “the inclusion of the no-boycott clauses in their contracts chilled their First
Amendment right to free expression.”
On the issue of chilled speech,
Jordahl v. Brnovich
is again illustrative. As previously
noted, in
Jordahl
, the court held that the plaintiff was injured in a few ways and not just by being
refused payment.
In this case, Mr. Ali has not sufficiently alleged that his speech has been chilled. While
Mr. Ali alleges, albeit in general and conclusory terms, that the certification requirement would
deter “an individual of ordinary firmness” from boycotting Israel as signing even the Section C
certification “would be intimidating,” Mr. Ali’s amended complaint does not adequately allege
that this is so. (ECF 22 ¶¶ 38–39). Unlike the plaintiffs in
Amawi
, who had to sign a
certification with language similar to the language in Section B of Governor Hogan’s Executive
Order, Mr. Ali would only have to sign Section C of the Executive Order and therefore he is not
confronted with such a broad certification requirement. To submit a bid, Mr. Ali would need to
certify that he had not discriminated against Israelis in the context of bid formation, but—unlike
the
Amawi
plaintiffs—he would be free to continue his personal boycotts against Sabra and
SodaStream. Nor is Mr. Ali like the plaintiff in
Jordahl
, who presented allegations that he had
ceased boycotting for fear his activities would be confused with those of his firm; Mr. Ali has not
presented any allegations that he has ceased any boycotting activities that would be covered by
the Executive Order, or that but for the certification he would have expanded his boycotting
activities. Even if Section C is read as incorporating the broader language of Section B, Mr. Ali
does not allege an intention to engage in any activity that could be construed to fall within the
purview of the Executive Order; indeed, he does not state that he intends to do any boycotting in
his business decisions. Nor does he appear to have engaged in any self-censorship. And even if
his amended complaint could be construed to allege that he had engaged in self-censorship, it
could not be said—in light of the plain language of the Executive Order—to be based on an
“actual and well-founded fear” that the Order would be enforced in the manner he believes it
will.
Jordahl
,
CONCLUSION
Because Mr. Ali has not submitted a bid, he cannot proceed on the basis of a direct injury. And because Mr. Ali has not sufficiently alleged a credible threat of prosecution or a chilling effect, he cannot proceed under the more relaxed standards applicable in a First Amendment challenge. For these reasons, the court will grant Governor Hogan’s motion to dismiss (ECF 25) and Attorney General Frosh’s motion to dismiss (ECF 26). A separate order follows.
10/26/20 /S/ Date Catherine C. Blake United States District Judge
Notes
[1] Oral argument was heard regarding the defendants’ motions to dismiss (ECF 9, 10) Ali’s original complaint (ECF 1) on August 1, 2019.
[2] 50 U.S.C. § 4607 concerns foreign boycotts.
[3] Both the Governor and Attorney General Frosh also argue that Mr. Ali’s claims are barred by the state sovereign immunity doctrine. (ECF 25 at 9; ECF 26 at 8–10). Because the court concludes that Mr. Ali lacks standing to raise this challenge, the court does not reach the issue of state sovereign immunity.
[4] The court finds that this latter argument lacks merit. This case is not like
Hamilton v. Palozzi
,
[5] The term “Boycott of Israel” was defined in the Arkansas statute as “engaging in refusals to deal, terminating business activities, or other actions that are intended to limit commercial relations with Israel, or persons or entities doing business in Israel or in Israeli-controlled territories, in a discriminatory manner.” Ark. Code Ann. § 25-1- 502(1)(A)(i).
[6] The court also found that Jordahl alleged a sufficient risk of future injury because the county “conditioned the Firm’s contracts on a promise to refrain from engaging in [a] protected course of conduct and the Firm refrained from engaging in such actions for fear of breaching the contract,” thereby chilling Jordahl’s speech. 336 F. Supp. 3d at 1033.
[7] Indeed, the court said as much in its previous memorandum opinion: “If Mr. Ali seeks to proceed on a direct injury theory, he should submit a bid.” (ECF 20 at 10). As Mr. Ali has not submitted a bid, it is presumed he primarily “wishes to argue that First Amendment justiciability rules save his claims.” ( Id. ).
[8] Section 9-101(a)(4) of the Criminal Law Article makes it a misdemeanor to “willfully and falsely make an oath or affirmation as to a material fact . . . in an affidavit required by any state . . . government . . . with legal authority to require the issuance of an affidavit.” Section 16-203(a)(12) of the State Finance and Procurement Article states a person “may be debarred from entering into a contract with the State if the person . . . has . . . been found in a final adjudicated decision to have violated” the state’s general Commercial Nondiscrimination Policy, codified in Title 19 of the State Finance and Procurement Article.
[9] The Governor’s contention that Mr. Ali must have actually been chilled in his speech to show an injury in fact is
contrary to Fourth Circuit precedent. (
See
ECF 25 at 23). Rather, the question is whether the government’s
“conduct would tend to chill a reasonable person’s exercise of First Amendment rights.”
Constantine v. Rectors &
Visitors of George Mason Univ.
,