Lead Opinion
I. BACKGROUND
This appeal came to us following the district court’s entry of a preliminary injunction preventing enforcement of Alabama Act No. 2010-761 (“the Act”), codified at Alabama Code § 17-17-5. The Act prohibits public employees from “arranging] by salary deduction or otherwise ” for payments to (1) political action committees or (2) organizations that use any portion of the dues for “political activity.” Id. § 17-17-5(b) (emphasis added). The Act then goes on to define “political activity” for the purposes of § 17-17-5(b) only, limiting it to:
a. Making contributions to or contracting with any entity which engages in any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.
b. Engaging in or paying for public opinion polling.
c. Engaging in or paying for any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.
d. Engaging in or paying for any type of political advertising in any medium.
e. Phone calling for any political purpose.
f. Distributing political literature of any type.
g. Providing any type of in-kind help or support to or for a political candidate.
Id. § 17 — 17—5(b)(1).
Appellees, the Alabama Education Association, its political action committee A-
Appellants, state officials charged with executing the Act, appealed the district court’s grant of a preliminary injunction. Though we generally review a grant of a preliminary injunction for an abuse of discretion, we review underlying conclusions of law de novo. N. Am. Med. Corp. v. Axiom Worldwide, Inc.,
In a facial challenge alleging overbreath and vagueness, “a court’s first task is to determine whether the enactment reaches a substantial amount of constitutionally protected conduct.” Village of Hoffman Estates v. Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc.,
A properly conceived ban on salary deductions to organizations engaged in political activity would be constitutional. Ysursa v. Pocatello Educ. Ass’n,
(1)Is the “or otherwise” language in the statute limited to the use of state mechanisms to support political organizations, or does it cover all contributions by state employees to political organizations, regardless of the source?
(2) Does the term “political activity” refer only to electioneering activities?
Id. The Alabama Supreme Court answered our questions in State Superintendent of Education v. Alabama Education Associa
II. DISCUSSION
A. The Overbreadth Challenge
The Alabama Supreme Court’s opinion easily resolves any concern that the “or otherwise” language is overbroad. Every member of the Alabama Supreme Court agreed that the language in question, in the context of the entire Act, prohibits only the use of state mechanisms to support politically active organizations. The Act does not prohibit “private forms of payment, i.e., forms of payment not facilitated by the government.” Id. at -,
Accordingly, we hold that the Appellees cannot demonstrate a substantial likelihood of success on the merits of their overbreadth claim. See Village of Hoffman Estates,
B. The Vagueness Challenge
This court geared its second question toward review of the district court’s finding that the Act’s definition of “political activities” is likely unconstitutionally vague and a violation of due process. See Bentley,
To succeed in their void for vagueness challenge, the Act’s challenger’s “must demonstrate that the law is impermissibly vague in all of its applications.” Village of Hoffman Estates,
Likewise, whatever else the Act’s definition of political activities may encompass, it includes electioneering activities, in which the AEA and A-VOTE concede they are engaged. (Appellees’ Br. at 31; R. 34 at 59-60.) The definition of political activities, even prior to the Alabama Supreme Court’s elucidation of the Act, gave the AEA and A-VOTE ample warning they engaged in political activities, and it gave the individual members warning that arranging for payroll deductions to AEA or A-VOTE was prohibited.
Some of AEA and A-VOTE’S conduct indisputably falls within the Act’s definition of political activity, and therefore the challengers cannot bring a facial challenge arguing the term is vague based on other applications. It is not substantially likely the challengers will succeed on the merits of their void for vagueness challenge,
III. CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, we reverse the district court’s order granting a preliminary injunction and remand this case for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.
REVERSED and REMANDED.
APPENDIX I
Notice: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the advance sheets of Southern Reporter. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of Decisions, Alabama Appellate Courts, 300 Dexter Avenue, Montgomery, Alabama 36104-3741 ((334) 229-0649), of any typographical or other errors, in order that corrections may be made before the opinion is printed in Southern Reporter.
SUPREME COURT OF ALABAMA
OCTOBER TERM, 2013-2014
State Superintendent of Education et al. v. Alabama Education Association, an Alabama nonprofit corporation, et al.
Certified Questions from the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit
(No. 11-11266)
PARKER, Justice.
I. Facts and Procedural History
In Davis v. Alabama Education Ass’n,
“Employees of the State of Alabama are paid through the office of the comptroller. Subject to certain conditions, § 36-1-4.3, Ala.Code 1975, provides that thé comptroller may make deductions from the salary of a State employee upon the employee’s request. Specifically, § 36-1^13(a), Ala.Code 1975, provides:
“ ‘The state Comptroller shall adopt statewide policies which provide for deductions from the salaries of state employees or groups of state employees whenever a request is presented to the state Comptroller by a group of participating state employees equal in number to at least 200 provided, however, that deductions being made as of April 23, 1985, shall continue to be made. The deductions shall be made at least monthly and shall be remitted to the appropriate company, association, or organization as specified by the employees. The deductions may be made for membership dues, and voluntary contributions, and insurance premiums. Any deduction provided under the provisions of this section may be terminated upon two months’ notice in writing by a state employee to the appropriate company, association, or organization and to the appropriate payroll clerk or other appropriate officials as specified by the state Comptroller.’
“Section 36-1-4.4, Ala.Code 1975, prescribes other procedures relating to the salary deductions authorized in § 36-1-4.3:
“ ‘The policies adopted by the state Comptroller for deductions from the salaries of state employees or groups of state employees for employee organizations shall provide that the deductions for membership dues and voluntary contributions shall be made based on membership lists and forms provided by the employees’ organization. Such lists are to be corrected and revised annually according to procedures to be established by the state Comptroller. Membership dues and voluntary contributions currently authorized shall continue on an annual basis for the current yearly period and for each succeeding yearly period unless the employee revokes the deduction in writing within 10 days of the next succeeding yearly period. Voluntary contributions may be revoked by giving a 30-day notice in writing. New authorizations shall be permitted on a monthly basis according to procedures to be established by the state Comptroller. Upon leaving state service whether by death, retirement, termination, resignation, leave of absence or other means, payroll deduction of dues and authorized voluntary deductions shall cease. When an employee returns to state service from an approved leave of absence or other temporary leave, payroll deductions and voluntary contributions shall resume unless the employee revokes the deductions in writing. When amounts have been correctly deducted and remitted by the state Comptroller, the state Comptroller shall bear no further responsibility or liability for subsequent transactions.’
“On July 1, 2010, the comptroller implemented a new policy regarding salarydeductions. Under this new policy, the comptroller stopped executing salary deductions designated for contributions to [the Alabama State Employees Association Political Action Committee]; the comptroller continued maMng deductions designated for the payment of dues to the [Alabama State Employees Association]. Likewise, the comptroller stopped executing salary deductions to a political-action committee affiliated with the Alabama State Troopers Association. Portions of an employee’s salary no longer deducted as a result of this policy change were included in the employee’s paychecks.
“The comptroller’s change in the manner of executing salary deductions caused the AEA [the Alabama Education Association] to inquire of the comptroller whether a similar policy change in deductions would be made as to the salaries of State employees who elected to have contributions deducted for the benefit of the AEA. In conjunction with this inquiry, the comptroller was made aware that a portion of the deductions then being made for the benefit of the AEA were in turn contributed by the AEA to A-VOTE [AEA’s political-action committee, Alabama Voice of Teachers for Education]. Because the comptroller could not ascertain what portion of the deductions designated for the AEA were passed on to A-VOTE, the comptroller ceased executing all salary deductions designated for the AEA on September 1, 2010.
“The comptroller based the aforesaid changes in the manner of executing salary deductions on his interpretation of the provisions in §§ 36-12-61 and 17-17-5, Ala.Code 1975. Section 36-12-61, Ala.Code 1975, provides:
“ ‘It shall be unlawful for any officer or employee of the State of Alabama
to use or to permit to be used any state-owned property of any character or description, including stationery, stamps, office equipment, office sup-' plies, automobiles or any other property used by him, in his custody or under his control for the promotion or advancement of the interest of any candidate for the nomination or election to any public office of the State of Alabama.’
“As then codified, § 17-17-5, Ala.Code 1975, provided in part that ‘[n]o person in the employment of the State of’Alabama ... shall use any state ... funds, property, or time, for any political activities.’
“Subsequently, in a special session, the legislature enacted, and the governor signed into law on December 20, 2010, Act No. 2010-761, Ala. Acts 2010 (‘the Act’). The Act amended § 17-17-5, Ala.Code 1975, to explicitly state as follows:
“ ‘(a) No person in the employment of the State of Alabama!, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency, whether classified or unclassified,] shall use any state, county, city, local school board, or other governmental agency funds, property, or time, for any political activities.
“ ‘(b) No person in the employment of the State of Alabama[, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency] may arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for any payments to a political action committee or arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for any payments for the dues of any person so employed to a membership organization which uses any portion of the dues for political activity....
“ ‘Any organization that requests the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency to arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for the collection of membership dues from persons employed by the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency shall certify to the appropriate governmental entity that none of the membership dues will be used for political activity. Thereafter, at the conclusion of each calendar year, each organization that has arranged for the collection of its membership dues from persons employed by the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency shall provide the appropriate governmental entity a detailed breakdown of the expenditure of the membership dues of persons employed by the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency and collected by the governmental entity. Any organization that fails to provide the required certifications, that reports any expenditures for political activity, or that files false
information about political activity in any of its reports shall be permanently barred from arranging for the collection of its membership dues by any governmental entity. The Examiners of Public Accounts shall annually review a sample of at least 10 percent of the certifications filed with each governmental entity and report its findings to the appropriate governmental entity....’ ”
On February 25, 2011, the Alabama Education Association (“the AEA”), Alabama Voice of Teachers for Education (“A-VOTE”), and six members of the AEA, namely, Pam Hill, Cathey McNeal, Jeff Breece, Chassity Smith, Dorothy Strickland, and Ronald Slaughter (the AEA, A-VOTE, and the individual members of the AEA are hereinafter referred to collectively as “the AEA plaintiffs”), filed a complaint in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama (“the district court”), naming as defendants Governor Robert Bentley; then State Superintendent of Education Joseph Morton;
On March 18, 2011, two days before the effective date of the Act, the district court issued a preliminary injunction enjoining the Newton defendants from “implementing or enforcing” the Act. The Newton defendants appealed the district court’s issuance of the preliminary injunction to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit.
On March 23, 2011, the International Association of Fire Fighters (“the IAFF”); FIREPAC, a political-action committee affiliated "with the IAFF; IAFF Local 1349; Paul Cumbaa, a member of both the IAFF and IAFF Local 1349; IAFF Local 3948; Wilburn Cain, a member of both the IAFF and IAFF Local 3948; American Federation of Teachers (“AFT”) Local 2115; AFT Local 2143; AFT Local 4866; AFT Local 6248; Thomas D. Johnson, a member of AFT Local 2143; and Cynthia R. Lee, a member of AFT Local 2115 (hereinafter referred to collectively as “the IAFF plaintiffs”), filed a complaint in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama, naming as defendants Governor Robert Bentley; Attorney General Luther Strange; then State Superintendent of Education Joseph Morton;
On May 20, 2011, the district court in the second action issued a preliminary injunction enjoining the Strange defendants, with the exception of Governor Bentley,
On December 23, 2011, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals narrowed the scope of the preliminary injunctions entered by the district court, stating, in relevant part:
“[W]e believe it is appropriate to narrow the district court’s injunction in the interim. In its memorandum opinion, the district court issued a preliminary injunction barring the Act’s enforcement in toto. However, a state’s restriction on payroll deductions for organizations engaged in electioneering activities would likely be found constitutional under Ysursa, [v. Pocatello Education Ass’n,555 U.S. 353 ,129 S.Ct. 1093 ,172 L.Ed.2d 770 (2009) ]. To the extent the state limits its enforcement of the Act in this way, it may proceed. The preliminary injunction remains in place as to enforcement that extends beyond that range of conduct.”
Alabama Educ. Ass’n v. State Superintendent of Educ.,
In the same opinion, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals stated:
“Thus, the question before this court in the present case turns entirely on how the Act is interpreted. If it is meant only to reach payroll deductions for organizations engaged in electioneering activities ..., then it presents no constitutional problems. A statute with a broader reach may implicate First Amendment concerns.... It has long been our practice that ‘[substantial doubt about a question of state law upon which a particular case turns should be resolved by certifying the question to the state supreme court.’ Jones v. Dillard’s, Inc.,331 F.3d 1259 , 1268 (11th Cir.2003) (citing Moreno v. Nationwide Insur. Co.,105 F.3d 1358 , 1360 (11th Cir.1997)). There is a high likelihood that the Supreme Court of Alabama’s interpretation of the Act will resolve this matter; therefore, the state courts should have the opportunity to address this issue in the first instance, particularly since it is one so closely tied to statewide political reforms. We conclude sufficient cause exists to certify a question to the Alabama Supreme Court with respect to the scope of the Act.”
Alabama Educ. Ass’n,
The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals certified to this Court the following questions regarding the scope of the Act:
“1. Is the ‘or otherwise’ language in the [Act] limited to the use of state mechanisms to support political organizations, or does it cover all contributions by state employees to political organizations, regardless of the source?
“2. Does the term ‘political activity’ refer only to electioneering activities?”
Alabama Educ. Ass’n,
The parties have filed thorough, well written briefs on the certified questions, see Rule 18(g), Ala. R.App. P., and this Court heard oral argument on October 1, 2012, see Rule 18(h), Ala. R.App. P.
II. Rules of Statutory Construction
The certified questions in this matter require us to determine the scope of certain provisions of the Act; thus, we are mindful of the well settled rules of statutory construction.
“ ‘ “ ‘It is this Court’s responsibility to give effect to the legislative intent whenever that intent is manifested. State v. Union Tank Car Co.,281 Ala. 246 , 248,201 So.2d 402 , 403 (1967). When interpreting a statute, this Court must read the statute as a whole because statutory language depends on context; we will presume that the Legislature knew the meaning of the words it used when it enacted the statute. Ex parte Jackson,614 So.2d 405 , 406-07 (Ala.1993). Additionally, when a term is not defined in a statute, the commonly accepted definition of the term should be applied. Republic Steel Corp. v. Horn,268 Ala. 279 , 281,105 So.2d 446 , 447 (1958). Furthermore, we must give the words in a statute their plain, ordinary, and commonly understood meaning, and where plain language is used we must interpret it to mean exactly what it says. Ex parte Shelby County Health Care Auth.,850 So.2d 332 (Ala.2002).’
“‘“Bean Dredging, L.L.C. v. Alabama Dep’t of Revenue,855 So.2d 513 , 517 (Ala.2003). In addition, ‘ “ ‘ “[t]here is a presumption that every word, sentence, or provision [of a statute] was intended for some useful purpose, has some force and effect, and that some effect is to be given to each, and also that no superfluous words or provisions were used.” ’ ” ’ Surtees v. VFJ Ventures, Inc.,8 So.3d 950 , 970 (Ala.Civ.App.2008) (quoting Ex parte Uniroyal Tire Co.,779 So.2d 227 , 236 (Ala.2000), quoting in turn other cases).”
“ ‘IEC Arab Alabama, Inc. v. City of Arab,7 So.3d 370 , 375 (Ala.Civ.App. 2008).’
“Green Tree-AL LLC v. Dominion Res., L.L.C.,104 So.3d 177 , 179-80 (Ala.Civ. App.2011).”
AltaPointe Health Sys., Inc. v. Davis,
III. Discussion
A. Certified Question # 1
“Is the ‘or otherwise’ language in the [Act] limited to the use of state mechanisms to support political organizations, or does it cover all contributions by state employees to political organizations, regardless of the source?”
The portion of the Act relevant to this question provides:
“No person in the employment of the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency may arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for any payments to a political action committee or arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for any payments for the dues of any person so employed to a membership organization which uses any portion of the dues for political activity....”
§ IT — 17—5(b)(1), Ala.Code 1975 (emphasis added).
The AEA plaintiffs, the IAFF plaintiffs, and amici curiae Alabama State Employees Association (“the ASEA”) and its political-action committee (“SEA-PAC”) (hereinafter referred to collectively as “the plaintiff groups”) argue, in sum, that the “or otherwise” language in the Act is over-broad and that it can be read to prohibit a State employee from paying dues to organizations such as the AEA or from making donations to a political-action committee, even if the State is not involved in facilitating those payments in any manner. Conversely, the Newton defendants and the Strange defendants (hereinafter referred to collectively as “the defendant groups”) argue that the Act may be read to prohibit only State facilitation of payments to organizations such as the AEA and State facilitation of donations to a political-action committee, and, thus, they say, the members of such organizations are free to make payments or donations by private means.
Viewing the language in question in the context of the entire Act leads us to conclude that the Act is meant to prohibit only the use of State mechanisms to support political organizations. We reach this conclusion for the following reasons.
First, we note that in subsection (b) the Act states that groups wishing to utilize payroll deductions must certify that they are not engaging in “political activities.” Specifically, the Act states:
“Any organization that requests the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency to arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for the collection of membership dues of persons employed by the State of Alabama a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency shall certify to the appropriate governmental entity that none of the membership dues will be used for political activity.”
§ 17-17-5(b)(2), Ala.Code 1975. The above-quoted language is clear in showing that the government, i.e., “the State of Alabama, a county, a city, a local school board, or any other governmental agency,” must be involved in arranging for the payment of the State employee’s membership dues for the Act to apply; therefore, private forms of payment, i.e., forms of payment not facilitated by the government, are not prohibited.
Also, it is noteworthy that the penalties for violating the Act apply only to the organization to which the dues or payments are made and only when the dues or payments are facilitated by the State. Specifically, the Act states:
“Any organization that fails to provide the required certifications [stating that none of the membership dues will be used for political activity], that reports any expenditures for political activity, or that files false information about political activity in any of its reports shall be permanently barred from arranging for the collection of its membership dues by any governmental entity.”
§ 17-17-5(b)(2), Ala.Code 1975 (emphasis added).
Furthermore, prior decisions of this Court show that the phrase “or otherwise” should not to be interpreted as creating an essentially unlimited prohibition against State employees’ arranging for payments
As stated above, “[w]hen interpreting a statute, this Court must read the statute as a whole because statutory language depends on context.” Davis,
B. Certified Question # 2
“Does the term ‘political activity’ refer only to electioneering activities?”
As an initial matter, we note that we cannot determine whether the term “political activity” — which we define herein “[f]or purposes of this subsection only,” see § 17 — 17—5(b)(1)—refers to only “electioneering activities” without first understanding the meaning of the term “electioneering,” which has not been defined by our legislature. The Oxford English Dictionary defines “electioneering” as follows: “The art or practice of managing elections; canvassing on behalf of candidates for membership in representative assemblies.” V The Oxford English Dictionary 117 (2d ed.1989). From the foregoing we may understand electioneering activities to include only those activities that involve working on behalf of or in opposition to candidates for elected offices.
On this issue, the plaintiff groups argue, in sum, that the term “political activity” is
“[t]he Legislature’s extensive list of the seven types of ‘political activity’ to which subsection (b) applies — and its repeated use of maximalist phrases such as ‘any entity which engages in any form of political communication,’ ‘any form of political communication,’ ‘any type of political advertising,’ ‘phone calling for any political purpose,’ and ‘political literature of any type’ — all establish an expansive reach for the statute, the boundaries of which are unclear.”
AEA plaintiffs’ brief, at 29; see also IAFF plaintiffs’ brief, at 25, and brief of amici curiae, at 24-25. The plaintiff groups further argue that six of the seven categories to which “political activity” is limited as set forth in subsection (b)(l)a.-g. are vague because, they say, those six categories “depend, in a circular fashion, on the undefined adjective ‘political.’ ” AEA plaintiffs’ brief, at 30; see also IAFF plaintiffs’ brief, at 23-24.
As noted, the plaintiff groups contend that the language of the Act is overly broad because, they say, six of the seven categories of political activity set forth in subsection (b)(l)a.-g. are, in part, defined by the word “political,” which itself is not defined by the Act. The IAFF plaintiffs contend:
“With a single exception, all of these definitions [of political activity] reference, in a confusing and circular fashion, the otherwise undefined adjective ‘political.’ The borders of the term ‘political’ are inherently uncertain because it can apply not only to partisan activities concerning the election or defeat of specific candidates for political office, but also to communications concerning other matters of public significance-including issues of national and local importance such as school and public safety funding, training for public safety officers, or the policies of school officials.”
IAFF plaintiffs’ brief, at 24 (footnote omitted). The AEA plaintiffs’ present a very similar argument, contending:
“The lack of clarity in the definition of ‘political activity’ is exacerbated by the fact that all but one of the subparts of this definition depend, in a circular fashion, on the undefined adjective ‘political’ (and the one that does not — the portion referring to ‘public opinion polling’ — has its own special uncertainties ... ).”
AEA plaintiffs’ brief, at 30.
Before examining the seven specific forms of expression or activity listed in paragraphs a. though g. of subsection (b)(1), we note that they are preceded by this statement of the general rule:
“No person in the employment of the State ... may ... arrange by salary deduction or otherwise for any payments for the dues of any person so employed to a membership organization which uses any portion of the dues for political activity.”
(Emphasis added.) It is this “lead-in” language that describes the substantive
The ASEA and SEA-PAC correctly note that the word “political” has a rather expansive definition in its legal usage. See brief of amici curiae, at 23-24. The word “political” has been defined as follows:
“Pertaining to or relating to the policy or the administration of government, state or national. Pertaining to, or incidental to, the exercise of the functions vested in those charged with the conduct of government; relating to the management of affairs of state, as political theories; of or pertaining to exercise of rights and privileges or the influence by which individuals of a state seek to determine or control its public policy; having to do with organization or action of individuals, parties, or interests that seek to control appointment or action of those who manage affairs of a state.”
Black’s Law Dictionary 1158-59 (6th ed.1990).
Thus, the term “political activity,” which precedes the list of seven categories, embraces more than electioneering.
“a. Making contributions to or contracting with any entity which engages in any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.”
“c. Engaging in or paying for any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.”
By their plain language, subparagraphs a. and c. define political activity, within the context of “political communication,” as “including,” but not limited to, “communications which mention the name of a political candidate.” Stated differently, subpar-agraphs a. and c. may be read as defining political activity to include “[mjaking contributions to or contracting with any entity which engages in any form of political communication,” including political communication that is not in the form of candidate-based advocacy, and “[e]ngaging in or paying for any form of political communication,” again including political communication that is not in the form of candidate-based advocacy. These two subpara-graphs cannot be read as limiting political activity to only electioneering activities.
Furthermore, subparagraph b., which defines political activity as “[e]ngaging in or paying for public opinion polling,” cannot be read as encompassing only electioneering activities. Suffice it to say, without any qualifying language, “public opinion polling” could be understood to include polling on issues other than candidate-based advocacy. Subparagraph d., which defines political activity as “[e]ngaging in or paying for any type of political advertising in any medium,” also cannot be read as encompassing only electioneering activities. “Political advertising” may take many forms beyond candidate-based advocacy, including, for example, advertising that encourages people to vote for or against a proposed constitutional amendment. Similarly, subparagraph e., which defines political activity as “[p]hone calling for any political purpose,” goes beyond electioneering activities in that “any political purpose” could include the example just presented: telephone calling to encourage people to vote for or against a proposed constitutional amendment. In like manner to subparagraphs d. and e., subparagraph f., which defines political activity as “[distributing political literature of any type,” goes beyond the reach of electioneering activities in that “political literature of any type” could include literature encouraging people to vote for or against a proposed constitutional amendment.
Based on the foregoing, we conclude that the term “political activity,” as used in the Act, is not limited to activity on behalf of or in opposition to candidates for elected offices, i.e., electioneering activities. Put simply, the plain language of subsection (b)(l)a.-f. describes political activity in terms that cannot be understood to limit that activity to electioneering activity.
IV. Conclusion
We answer the first certified question in the affirmative and the second in the negative. Our answers to the questions certi
1. The “or otherwise” language in the Act is limited to the use of State mechanisms to make payments to organizations that use at least some portion of those payments for political activity.
2. The term “political activity” is not limited to electioneering activities, i.e., activities undertaken in support of candidates for elected offices.
We reiterate that our construction of the term “political activity” applies only as that term is used and expressly “limited ” in subsection (b)(1) of the Act, and this construction of the term “political activity” is not intended to be applied beyond the narrow “limited” parameters of subsection (b)(1).
QUESTIONS ANSWERED.
Notes
. The opinion of the Alabama Supreme Court is attached hereto as "Appendix I.”
. Because the Act does not reach constitutionally protected conduct, the Defendants-Appellants need only demonstrate a rational basis to justify the Act’s prohibition on payroll deductions going to organizations engaged in political activities. Ysursa,
. A series of as applied challenges is a more appropriate forum for challenging other, potentially more vague applications of the Act. Cf. Holder,
.In Davis v. Alabama Education Ass'n, the AEA and other plaintiffs sued the state finance director and the state comptroller, seeking declaratory relief and a permanent injunction forcing the comptroller to resume the previous practice of executing salary deductions designated for the AEA. The Montgomery Circuit Court entered a preliminary injunction against the finance director and the comptroller, who then appealed to this Court. For reasons not relevant to the present litigation, we dismissed the appeal as moot, vacated the circuit court's preliminary injunction, and remanded the case for the circuit court to dismiss the action.
. Thomas Bice replaced Joseph Morton as a defendant when Bice became state superintendent of education.
. Bill Newton replaced Marquita Davis, who, in turn, had replaced David Perry, as a defendant when Newton became acting state finance director.
. Mark Heinrich replaced Susan Price, who, in turn, had replaced Frieda Hill, as a defendant when Heinrich became the chancellor of post-secondary education.
. Robert T. Treese III replaced Nick Abbett as a defendant when Treese became Lee County District Attorney.
. The district court subsequently allowed a complaint in intervention to be filed by the Alabama State Employees Association ("the ASEA”); the ASEA’s political-action committee ("SEA-PAC”); Randy Hebson, president of the ASEA; Edwin J. McArthur, executive director of the ASEA; and Larry Sanders, JoAnne Brown, and John Allen, all of whom are or were state employees, ASEA members, and SEA-PAC contributors. The intervenor plaintiffs asserted the same constitutional challenges that were asserted in the AEA plaintiffs' complaint.
. See supra note 2.
. See supra note 4.
. With regard to Governor Bentley, the district court stated;
"Governor Bentley raises some potentially valid arguments that this court does not have subject matter jurisdiction over theclaims that plaintiffs assert against him. It would be inappropriate to enter an injunction requiring Governor Bentley to act, or to refrain from acting, when subject matter jurisdiction over plaintiffs’ claims against the Governor is uncertain. Accordingly, the preliminary injunction that will be entered contemporaneously herewith will restrain the conduct of all defendants except Governor Bentley. If the court later determines that it does have subject matter jurisdiction over the claims against Governor Bentley, the injunction will be extended to apply to him.”
Alabama Educ. Ass’n v. Bentley,
. Rule 18(a), Ala. R.App. P., provides:
"When it shall appear to a court of the United States that there are involved in any proceeding before it questions or propositions of law of this State which are determinative of said cause and that there are no clear controlling precedents in the decisions of the Supreme Court of this State, such federal court may certify such questions or propositions of law of this State to the Supreme Court of Alabama for instructions concerning such questions or propositions of state law, which certified question the Supreme Court of this State, by written opinion, may answer.”
. The ASEA and SEA-PAC argue that "[t]he word ‘political' itself includes both forms of advocacy!, issue advocacy and candidate advocacy].” Brief of amici curiae, at 23 (citing the definition of the word "political” as set forth in Black’s Law Dictionary 1158 (6th ed.1991)).
. Although Black's Law Dictionary is not binding legal authority, see, e.g., State v. Knoechel (No. CA84-10-074,
. The Chief Justice’s special writing finds that the language of Ala.Code 1975, § 17-1-4, provides the definition of "political activity,” i.e., "endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns,” and that the word "including,” which immediately precedes the phrase "endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns” in § 17-1-4, actually “restricts” any other like things that are not listed thereafter. However, 2A Norman J. Singer and J.D. Shambie Singer Statutes and Statutory Construction § 47:23 (7th ed.2007), states: "When ‘include’ is utilized, it is generally improper to conclude that entities not specifically enumerated are excluded.” Additionally, the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit has stated that "[i]t is hornbook law that the word ‘including’ indicates that the specified list ... that follows is illustrative, not exclusive.” Puerto Rico Maritime Shipping Auth. v. I.C.C.,
"[i]n normal English usage, if a group ‘consists of or ‘comprises’ 300 lawyers, it contains precisely that number. If it ‘includes’ 300 lawyers, there may well be thousands of other members from all walks of life as well. That is, the word include does not ordinarily introduce an exhaustive list.... That is the rule both in good English usage and in textualist decision-making. Some jurisdictions have even codified a rule about include."
(Footnotes omitted; emphasis in original.) Therefore, although “endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns” can fairly be said to fall within the meaning of "political activity,” those activities do not define or limit the full reach of "political activity” as it used in the Act.
. Subparagraph g., which defines political activity as ''[providing any type of in-kind help or support to or for a political candidate," appears to be the only category of political activity in subsection (b)(l)a.-g. that encompasses only electioneering activity.
. As to the political activity described in subparagraph g., see supra note 14.
Concurrence Opinion
MURDOCK, Justice (concurring specially).
I concur in the main opinion. In his special writing dissenting from our answer to the second certified question before us, the Chief Justice argues that our construction of § 17-17-5, Ala.Code 1975, should be altered based on the rule of statutory construction that, under certain circumstances, disfavors interpretations of statutes that will make them unconstitutional. — So.3d at-. I cannot agree that we should alter our construction of § 17-17-5 on this ground.
The statute at issue in Ysursa v. Poca-tello Education Ass’n,
“While in some contexts the government must accommodate expression, it is not required to assist others in funding the expression of particular ideas, including political ones. ‘[A] legislature’s decision not to subsidize the exercise of a fundamental right does not infringe the right, and thus is not subject to strict scrutiny.’ Regan v. Taxation With Representation of Wash.,461 U.S. 540 , 549 [103 S.Ct. 1997 ,76 L.Ed.2d 129 ] (1983)....
“... While publicly administered payroll deductions for political purposes can enhance the unions’ exercise of First Amendment rights, Idaho is under no obligation to aid the unions in their political activities. And the State’s decision not to do so is not an abridgment of the unions’ speech; they are free to engage in such speech as they see fit. They simply are barred from enlisting the State in support of that endeavor.”
Concurrence Opinion
SHAW, Justice (concurring in the result).
I concur only with the main opinion’s summation of the answers to the certified questions regarding AIa.Code 1975, § 17-17-5:
“1. The ‘or otherwise’ language in the Act is limited to the use of State mechanisms to make payments to organizations that use at least some portion of those payments for political activity.
“2. The term ‘political activity’ is not limited to electioneering activities, i.e., activities undertaken in support of candidates for elected offices.”
— So.3d at -. I write specially to note the following regarding the second question and the State’s argument regarding that question.
The definition of “political activity” in Ala.Code 1975, § 17-17-5, is much broader than simple electioneering. For example, it is defined generally as “[e]ngaging in ... any form of political communication.” § 17-17-5(b)(l)c. This language on its face is broad and is not limited to electioneering. The definition then notes that this general definition includes the specific example of electioneering-type communications: “including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.”
If “political activity” encompassed only electioneering, then the general definition — “any form of political communication” — is superfluous, because the subsequent specific example would be the only form of communication forbidden. In other words, why would § 17-17-5(b)(l)c, state that “any form of political communication” is political activity if its true scope was more limited, and it forbade only the electioneering activity given in the example of what is “included,” i.e., “communications which mention the name of a political candidate [electioneering communications].” The general definition of “political activity” is no definition at all if it is limited to only what it stated was “included” as part of the definition.
Other definitions provided in § 17-17-5(b)(1) also appear broader than mere electioneering. Subsection a. includes as political activity contributing to or contracting with “any entity” engaged in “any form” of political communication. Subsection b. includes “public opinion polling,” which reaches far beyond electioneering. The subsections go on to define “political activity” as engaging in “any” type of political advertising, telephone calling for “any political purpose,” and distributing political literature of “any type.” These on their face are clearly not activities that are limited to electioneering. To the contrary, it appears that the Code section encompasses not only activities that can be characterized as electioneering, but also activities that can be characterized as “issue based” or “issue driven.”
The State cites an attorney general opinion, Op. Att’y Gen. No.2003-232 (August 28, 2003), that purportedly defines “political activity” or at least allegedly assists in determining the proper definition. That opinion relied on this Court’s decision in Hudson v. Gray,
Hudson’s extrapolation of the phrase “political activity” is defined in the context of “the civil service law, § 669.” Essentially, the Court was using the term “political activity” as a synonym for “political campaign,” the term actually used in § 669. Hudson was not providing a general definition of the term “political activity.” Thus, I see little support in Hudson for the State’s suggested definition of “political activity” found in § 17-17-5.
Concurrence in Part
MOORE, Chief Justice (concurring in part and dissenting in part).
We have a duty to give a statute a construction “that will sustain its validity if reasonably possible.” Pruett v. Patton,
Because the majority does not conduct its analysis against the background of this governing principle, it provides an answer to the second certified question that we ourselves would likely not provide were the question of the constitutionality of the statute before us on appeal. I believe, therefore, that by failing to apply the rule of construction we ourselves would employ were the constitutional challenge before us, we have provided the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals an incomplete and misleading answer.
I agree with the main opinion that the “or otherwise” phrase in § 1Y — 17—5(b)(1), Ala.Code 1975, is limited to the use of mechanisms of the State to support political organizations. I therefore concur in the affirmative answer to the first certified question. However, I believe that “political activity” in the Election Code means “electioneering.” I would hold that words used in the Election Code refer to elections, whether for candidates, ballot measures, or political parties. I also believe that this reasonable interpretation of the term “political activity” should govern the answer we provide the Eleventh Circuit under our duty to construe a statute in favor of constitutionality where possible. Therefore, I dissent as to the negative answer to the second certified question.
I. Defining “Political Activity”
Section 17-17-5(b)(1), Ala.Code 1975, prohibits government-employee salary deductions for any payment of dues to “a membership organization which uses any portion of the dues for political activity.” The statute further provides:
“For purposes of this subsection only, political activity shall be limited to all of the following:
“a. Making contributions to or contracting with any entity which engages in any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.
“b. Engaging in or paying for public opinion polling.
“c. Engaging in or paying for any form of political communication, including communications which mention the name of a political candidate.
“d. Engaging in or paying for any type of political advertising in any medium.
“e. Phone calling for any political purpose.
“f. Distributing political literature of any type.
“g. Providing any type of in-kind help or support to or for a political candidate.”
(Emphasis added.)
The plaintiff groups argue that the statute defines “political activity” in seven sub-paragraphs and that those definitions are much broader than mere electioneering activity. For instance, they argue that “public opinion polling” in subparagraph b. has a much broader scope than polling that is only election-related and that “political communications” in subparagraph c. encompass more than candidate advocacy. Further, they argue that the failure of the statute to define the term “political” creates a fatal vagueness.
The statute, however, does not say that political activity is “defined as all of the following.” Instead, it says that political activity “shall be limited to all of the following.” Because subsection (b)(1) does not define the scope of the term “political activity,” but instead limits it, the actual meaning of “political activity” (before being so limited) must be found elsewhere.
A. The Election Code Context
Although the word “political,” standing alone, refers to government in general,
Section 17-1-4 of the Election Code states that “political activities” include “endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns.” “[W]hen specific words follow general words” in a statute, “the general words are construed to embrace only objects similar to those objects enumerated by the specific words.” Ex parte Cobb,
However, the use of the connector “including” alters the analysis. As stated in § 17-1-4(a), no city, county, or state employee “shall be denied the right to participate in city, county, or state political activities to the same extent as any other citizen of the State of Alabama, including endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns of his or her choosing.” (Emphasis added.) The specific terms that follow “including,” unlike the usual application of the ejusdem generis doctrine, do not necessarily restrict the class of objects embraced by the general term. Instead they typically illustrate or provide examples of the meaning of the general term. “ ‘In construing a statute, the use of a form of the word “include” is significant, and generally thought to imply that terms listed immediately afterwards are an inexhaus-tive list of examples, rather than a bounded set of applicable items.’ ” State ex rel. Riley v. Lorillard Tobacco Co.,
Nonetheless, without claiming that the election-related terms that describe “political activities.” in § 17-1-4 are exhaustive of the meaning of that term, one must still admit their probative force in explaining that meaning. In Samantar v. Yousuf,
“But even if the list in § 1603(a) is merely illustrative, it still suggests that ‘foreign state’ does not encompass officials, because the types of defendants listed are all entities. See Russell Motor Car Co. v. United States,261 U.S. 514 , 519,58 Ct.Cl. 708 ,43 S.Ct. 428 ,67 L.Ed. 778 (1923) (‘[A] word may be known by the company it keeps’).”
As a further example, the section of the Election Code immediately preceding § 17-17-5 is entitled “Improper use of official authority or position for political activities.” § 17-17-4, Ala.Code 1975 (emphasis added). This section punishes as a felon “[a]ny person who attempts to use his or her official authority or position for the purpose of influencing the vote or political action of any person.” (Emphasis added.)
B. Noscitur a Sociis
Sections 17-1-4, 17-17-4, and 17-17-5(b)(1) are all included in Title 17, the Alabama Election Code. Because a word is known by the company it keeps, one would expect “political activity,” when included in the Election Code, to refer to elections. “This maxim of statutory construction, noscitur a sociis, has been embraced by this Court as an aid in construing ambiguous statutory language.” Ex parte Cobb,
Section 17-1-4, which supplies a particular definition of “political activity,” is in Chapter 1 (“General Provisions”) of the Election Code. One would expect that general provisions apply to the Code in general. The opening section of the Election
C. In Pari Materia
Insofar as nosdtwr a sociis does not extend to a comparison of sections in different chapters of the same title, the principle of in pari materia applies: statutes on the same subject matter should be construed together so as to harmonize them. “Statutes are in pari materia — pertain to the same subject matter — when they ... have the same purpose or object.” 2B Norman J. Singer & J.D. Shambie Singer, Statutes and Statutory Construction § 51:3 (7th ed. 2012) (“Statutory Construction ”). Sections 17-1-4 and 17-17-5, both residing in the Election Code, have the common purpose of regulating elections and thus should be construed together. “[SJtatutes relating to the same subject matter must be read in pari materia, thus allowing for legal harmony where possible.” Ex parte State,
In particular, “courts construe words or phrases from a prior act on the same subject in the same sense.” 2B Statutory Construction § 51:2. Section 17-1-4, which provides a definition of “political activities,” was originally enacted in 1978, Kirby v. Mobile Cnty. Comm’n,
D. The Larger Context
1. Statutes Outside the Election Code
Uses of the term “political activity” in other sections of the Code also reflects its limitation to electioneering activities. Article 4 in Chapter 12 of Title 36 is entitled “Use of State-Owned Property for Political Purposes.” The first section of Article 4 states:
“The object and purpose of this article is to place all candidates for any state office upon an equality by the prevention of the use of any state-owned property in the promotion or advancement of the candidacy of any individual to the nomination or election to any public office of the State of Alabama.”
§ 36-12-60, Ala.Code 1975. Thus, “political purposes,” potentially an even broader term than “political activity,” is described in § 36-12-60 as promoting or advancing a candidacy for elective office. Chapter 26 of Article 36 is entitled “State Personnel Department and Merit System.” Section 36-26-38 in this chapter, entitled “Political activities prohibited,” states:
“No employee in the classified service shall be a member of any national, state or local committee of a political party or an officer of a partisan political club or a candidate for nomination or election to any public office or shall take any part in the management or affairs of any political party or in any political campaign, except on his personal time and to exercise his right as a citizen privately to express his opinion and to cast his vote....”
This description of prohibited “political activities” includes solely election-related activity. Section 17-1-4 specifically references § 36-26-38, thus incorporating these requirements into a section of the Election Code. After referring to endorsing candidates and contributing to campaigns as permitted “political activities,” § 17-1-4(a)(3) states: “Notwithstanding the foregoing, any person within the classified service shall comply with Section 36-26-38.”
The local laws in the Code similarly limit “political activity” to electioneering. See, e.g., § 45-11-231.11 (“Political activities”), which prohibits favoring or disfavoring employees of the Chilton County sheriff based on their support or failure to support “any candidate for political office.” These non-Election Code provisions are consistent with the construction of the term “political activity” as election-related. “The court ... is entitled to look, in its effort to arrive at the intention of the Legislature, to other provisions of the same act, to consider its relation to other statutory and constitutional requirements .... ” Abramson v. Hard,
2. Caselaw
In Marshall County Board of Education v. State Tenure Commission,
“We think the political reasons the Legislature had in mind in the use of the words in these statutes were that no tenured teacher could be transferred or discharged on the ground that the teacher did not belong to the same political party that a majority of the board members belonged, or that the teacher had voted for a political opponent of the board, or that the teacher had or had not professed a political preference in any political race, or that the teacher had become a candidate for public office, or for any similar political activity we have not specifically mentioned. In short, the Board cannot indirectly punish a teacher for that teacher’s political activity or that teacher’s refraining from political activity.”
77. The Duty to Construe a Statute in Favor of Constitutionality
In its opinion accompanying the certified questions, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals stated: “If [the Act].is meant only to reach payroll deductions for organizations engaged in electioneering activities ..., then it presents no constitutional problems. A statute with a broader reach may implicate. First Amendment concerns. ...” Alabama Educ. Ass’n v. State Superintendent of Educ.,
Thus, if the language of the statute “so permits,” we should interpret the term “political activity” in § 17-17-5 to avoid First Amendment problems. Faced with “two possible interpretations,” we should choose the one that is consonant with the constitutionality of the statute, namely that the term “political activity” in § 17-17-5 refers only to electioneering activities. Choosing among two possible interpretations the one that renders the statute constitutional effectuates legislative intent, the goal of statutory construction.
“The legislative body is presumed to intend that legislative acts shall not violate the Constitution, and be utterly void. Any reasonable construction will be given to effectuate such intent. It is the duty of the courts to give the statute construction that will sustain its validity if reasonably possible.”
Pruett v. Patton,
III. Conclusion
Employing standard canons of statutory construction, I conclude that the term “political activity’ in § 17 — 17—5(b)(1) refers to election-related or electioneering activity. Even if the term “political activity” could possibly be construed as overbroad or vague, and thus potentially to infringe protected speech, the presumption of constitutionality attending legislative enactments requires this Court to choose, among two reasonable constructions, the one that would sustain the validity of the enactment. I would therefore answer “yes” to the second certified question: “Does the term ‘political activity’ refer only to electioneering activities?” Although I concur with the affirmative answer to the first certified question, I must, with respect, dissent from the negative answer to the second certified question.
. The United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit framed the second certified question as a constitutional issue, holding that the term “political activity” in §17-17-5(b)(1), Ala.Code 1975, “presents no constitutional problems” if limited to electoral activities in support of candidates, political parties, or ballot measures. Alabama Educ. Ass’n v. State Superintendent of Educ.,
. See Black’s Law Dictionary 1276 (9th ed.2009) (defining "political” as "[p]ertaining
