Lead Opinion
Affirmed by published opinion. Judge THACKER wrote the opinion, in which Judge KEENAN joined. Judge WYNN wrote a dissenting opinion.
Appellant Aaron Ross (“Appellant”) brought this action challenging his March 12, 2008 and March 25, 2009 arrests for refusing to obey Baltimore City Police Officer Wayne Early’s (“Officer Early”) repeated orders to confine his leafleting to the area designated for protest activities outside the First Mariner Arena (the “Arena”) in Baltimore, Maryland. The designated protest area was defined by a written policy (the “Policy”) of the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore (collectively, the “City”) and the Baltimore City Police Department (“BCPD”). Appellant claims the Policy is facially unconstitutional as an invalid time, place, and manner restriction on First Amendment activity, and that Officer Early violated his state and federal rights. The district court granted summary judgment against Appellant on all claims. We hold, as did the district court, that the Policy is facially valid under the First Amendment as a reasonable time, place, and manner restriction, and we find no reversible error as to Appellant’s remaining claims. Accordingly, we affirm.
I.
A.
The Arena is a large sports and entertainment venue located in downtown Baltimore. Due to its central location and the thirteen Mass Transit Administration (“MTA”) bus routes that discharge passengers in the area, the sidewalks and streets adjacent to the Arena, i.e., West Baltimore Street, Hopkins Place, West Lombard Street, and South Howard Street, regularly experience heavy pedestrian and automotive traffic. This is particularly so between 6:30 and 7:30 p.m. on weekdays, when approximately 50 MTA buses make stops on the surrounding streets.
Once a year, the City leases the Arena to Feld Entertainment for performances of the Ringling Brothers Barnum and Bailey Circus (the “Circus”). These performances, ordinarily held in late March, attract large crowds. Between seven and ten thousand patrons attend the 7:30 p.m. weekday shows, and putative attendees begin to gather outside of the Arena’s main entrance, located on the corner of West Baltimore Street and Hopkins Place, at 6:00 p.m. The performances also draw a number of animal welfare activists, such as Appellant, who object to the Circus’s treatment of animals. During the Circus’s run, these annual demonstrators engage in various protest activities, including sign-hold
On March 12, 2003, the City, on the recommendation of Linda Barclay (“Barclay”), then Chief of the Legal Counsel Division in the City’s Law Department, issued a permit to People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (“PETA”) to park a media truck on the West Baltimore side of the Arena prior to that night’s Circus performance. Although PETA complied with the terms of its permit, the position of the truck seriously obstructed the flow of traffic and caused several MTA buses to double park. Bus passengers and circus patrons overflowed from the sidewalk into the street, and BCPD and MTA officers were called to the scene to sort out the stalled traffic pattern and disperse the crowd.
Subsequent to this incident, Officer Early and at least one other BCPD officer sought advice from Barclay as to constitutionally permissible ways for BCPD to manage the potential disruption to pedestrian and automotive traffic caused by protesters during Circus performances. In response to this request, on March 10, 2004, Barclay issued the Policy, an e-mail to various City and BPCD personnel, setting forth certain limitations on the location of sidewalk demonstrators prior to Circus performances.
1. East Side of the Arena (Hopkins Place) — Any protestors will be asked to move to the sidewalk between the Arena and Hopkins Place. This will help alleviate any congestion problems at the main entrance.3
2. North Side of the Arena ([West] Baltimore Street) — Any protestors will be directed to stay within the brick area of the sidewalk, approximately 13 feet wide between the curb and the middle of the sidewalk. This provides the remainder closer to the building for foot traffic to access Baltimore Street and main entrances.
3. West Side of Arena (Howard Street) — Any protestors will be asked to remain on the corner of Howard and Baltimore Streets or to move to the middle of the block south of the Howard Street entrance. This will allow sufficient room for attendees to access the Arena from the Howard Street entrance.
Id. The Policy further directs police officers to issue at least two verbal warnings prior to making any arrest for failure to obey a lawful order. See id.; see also Md.Code Ann., Crim. Law § 10 — 201(c)(3) (a person who “willfully fail[s] to obey a reasonable and lawful order that a law enforcement officer makes to prevent a disturbance to the public peace” is guilty of a misdemeanor).
On March 12, 2008, and March 25, 2009, Appellant was leafleting within the prohib
B.
The lengthy procedural history of this case is thoroughly discussed in the district court’s two published opinions, Ross v. Early,
On December 8, 2010, the district court denied the parties’ cross-motions for summary judgment on Appellant’s facial challenge to the Policy. See Ross I,
Thereafter, on September 25, 2012, the court granted Officer Early’s motion for summary judgment as to the claims against him in his individual capacity. See Ross II,
Faced with an imminent jury trial that would determine the level of scrutiny applicable to the Policy, the parties entered into a stipulation agreeing the Policy “was generally applicable toward all expressive activity” and “was not targeted ... toward
On appeal, Appellant accepts intermediate scrutiny as the applicable standard of review and challenges only the district court’s determination that, under that standard, the Policy is facially constitutional as a reasonable time, place, and manner restriction on speech. He further challenges the district court’s grant of qualified immunity to Officer Early and its dismissal of his state law claims in Ross II.
II.
We review a district court order granting summary judgment de novo, viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to the non-moving party. See Lansdowne on the Potomac Homeowners Ass’n, Inc. v. OpenBand at Lansdowne, LLC,
III.
We first address Appellant’s facial challenge to the Policy as an improper time, place, and manner restriction on protected speech. Applying intermediate scrutiny, we conclude the Policy is facially valid under the First Amendment.
A.
We apply the time, place, and manner doctrine to determine whether restrictions placed on protected speech in public fora violate the First Amendment. See Ward v. Rock Against Racism,
Before undertaking this analysis, however, we must determine the appropriate scope of our narrow tailoring inquiry. Our dissenting colleague would reject the intermediate standard articulated in Ward in favor of the heightened requirements set forth in Madsen v. Women’s Health Ctr., Inc.,
Under Ward and its progeny, a content-neutral regulation directed at the time, place, or manner of protected speech is ordinarily subject to intermediate scrutiny. See Ward,
Where such a regulation takes the form of a court-issued injunction, however, the Supreme Court has determined that the “standard time, place, and manner analysis” set forth in Ward “is not sufficiently rigorous.” Madsen,
In the dissent’s view, Ward and Madsen present a binary choice that must be resolved at the forefront of any litigation involving restrictions that are neither generally applicable statutes nor injunctions. The reviewing court, in other words, is charged with “conduct[ing] a fact-intensive inquiry to determine whether the restriction is more like an ordinance or more like an injunction” prior to selecting the appropriate level of scrutiny. Post at 551-52. Extrapolating from this principle, the dissent posits that the Policy more closely resembles an injunction than an ordinance because it (1) involved no legislative choice and (2) is not publicly available. See id. at 553-54. Thus, the dissent concludes, heightened scrutiny must apply.
The dissent’s threshold premise, although well-reasoned, stands on uncertain legal ground. Our court has not yet expanded Madsen’s rationale beyond the borders of court-issued injunctions. Indeed, the Third Circuit is, to date, the only appellate court to have explicitly done so. See McTeman v. City of York,
The dissent distinguishes these cases on the grounds that they involve “legislative delegation[s] of policymaking authority,” “one-of-a-kind security situation[s],” or “obvious actual notice of the speech restriction.” Post at 553-54. The import of these purported distinctions is less than clear. Regardless of how these cases are categorized, they demonstrate that Mad-sen has rarely come into play outside of the injunction context, even in the limited universe of non-legislative actions. Indeed, to the extent these distinctions are even relevant, we observe that the instant case falls squarely within the dissent’s “obvious and actual notice” category — in addition to the fact that the Policy has been publicly enforced since 2004, the videos of Appellant’s arrests demonstrate that the police officers repeatedly advised the protestors (1) where they were permitted to demonstrate; (2) that the City had a “law” proscribing expressive activities to certain defined areas; and (3) that they should call the Law Department if they wanted more information. Cf Faustin,
In any event, we need not definitely resolve this issue for the purposes of this appeal. Critically, the parties have stipulated that the Policy is “generally applicable” and not “targeted ... toward restricting the activities of circus and animal welfare street protestors specifically.” J.A. 156. As set forth in detail by the district court, the injunction-specific concerns warranting heightened scrutiny identified in Madsen are largely inapposite in the context of generally applicable municipal policies. See, e.g., Madsen,
Although we share the dissent’s concerns with respect to the Policy’s non-legislative origins, we do not find these concerns to be dispositive. The Policy may not represent “a legislative choice,”
In short, the parties have stipulated to a set of facts warranting the application of intermediate scrutiny, and it is under that rubric we proceed. We must thus determine whether, under the principles set forth in Ward, the Policy is “‘narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest, and ... leave[s] open ample alternative channels for communication of the information.’”
1.
We begin by addressing whether the Policy is “ ‘narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest[.]’ ” Ward,
a.
In order to meet its burden under the first prong of the narrow tailoring requirement, the City must demonstrate that the Policy “‘promotes a substantial government interest that would be achieved less effectively absent the regulation.’” Ward,
Our jurisprudence makes clear that a city’s interest “ ‘in maintaining the safety, order, and accessibility of its streets and sidewalks’ ” is sufficient to justify a time, place, and manner regulation. Green v. City Of Raleigh,
With these principles in mind, we are satisfied the City has adequately demonstrated that the presence of protestors on the relevant sidewalks presents a plausible threat to the orderly flow of pedestrian traffic and, concomitantly, public safety. In reaching this conclusion, we emphasize that the City is “entitled to advance its interests by arguments based on appeals to common sense and logic,” Multimedia Publ’g Co. of S. Carolina, Inc. v. Green-ville-Spartanburg Airport,
The undisputed evidence reveals that the sidewalks surrounding the Arena suffer from severe congestion during performances of the Circus and that, at least once' — -in the year preceding the issuance of the Policy — the presence of protestors caused a significant safety hazard. Inasmuch as the Policy carves out a passageway dedicated to pedestrian movement, it materially reduces the risks the City intends to prevent. The Policy thus promotes the City’s significant interest in a manner “ ‘that would be achieved less effectively absent the regulation.’ ” Ward,
Next, we must ask whether the Policy “burden[s] substantially more speech than is necessary to further the government’s legitimate interests.” Ward,
The Policy restricts the protestors to three designated areas adjacent to the Arena, i.e., the outer half of West Baltimore Street’s 29-foot sidewalk, a designated portion of Howard Street’s 15-foot sidewalk, and the sidewalk directly across from the Hopkins Place plaza. The Policy is limited in both scope and duration, setting aside dedicated channels for pedestrian traffic on the relevant streets in order to promote the safety, order, and accessibility of its sidewalks during the pendency of a heavily attended event. On its face, the Policy does no more than “target[] and eliminate[ ] ... the exact source of the ‘evil’ it seeks to remedy.” Frisby v. Schultz,
Appellant nonetheless contends the Policy is not narrowly tailored because a number of “obvious” and “feasible” alternatives exist that would permit more speech. Appellant’s Br. 36; see City of Cincinnati v. Discovery Network, Inc.,
Appellant also posits the theory that the Policy is required to have a “small group exception” exempting a small number of persons, presumably leafleters, from its purview. Appellant’s Rep. Br. 9. In support of this bold assertion, he relies on Cox, in which we held the lack of a small group exception rendered unconstitutional a city’s policy requiring a permit for any gathering on public streets or sidewalks.
For all these reasons, we conclude the Policy’s limited proscription on the locale of expressive activities is narrowly tailored to address threats to sidewalk congestion and public safety.
c.
We close our narrow tailoring discussion by addressing a concern raised by the dissent. In its view, we have neglected to address an essential element of the narrow tailoring inquiry, i.e., “whether the restriction operates ‘in such a manner that a substantial portion of the burden on speech does not serve to advance [the government’s] goals.’ ” Post at 554-55 (alteration in original) (quoting Ward,
The dissent derives its test for underin-clusiveness from the following passage in Ward:
To be sure, th[e] [narrow tailoring] standard does not mean that a time, place, or manner regulation may burden substantially more speech than is necessary to further the government’s legitimate interests. Government may not regulate expression in such a manner that a substantial portion of the burden on speech does not serve to advance its goals. So long as the means chosen are not substantially broader than necessary to achieve the government’s interest, however, the regulation will not be invalid simply because a court concludes that the government’s interest could be adequately served by some less-speech-restrictive alternative.
Ward,
We recognize, in any event, that the limited scope of a regulation on speech, i.e., underinclusiveness, can serve to “ ‘undermine[ ] the likelihood of a genuine [governmental] interestf.]’ ” F.C.C. v. League of Women Voters of California,
2.
The final prong of the time, place, and manner test asks whether the Policy “ ‘leave[s] open ample alternative channels for communication of the information.’ ” Ward,
The Policy directs protestors to stand in designated areas located mere feet from their intended audience, within full view and earshot of both passersby and circus attendees, and imposes no restriction on the channels of expression employed therein. We readily conclude this narrow degree of geographical separation does not hinder the protestors’ ability to disseminate their message. See, e.g., Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence v. Turner,
Although Appellant does not dispute the protestors’ ability to reach their intended audience from the designated areas via “holding] sign[s],” “chantfing],” or engaging in “other form[s] of communication,” Appellant’s Br. 37, he contends the Policy fails for lack of adequate alternatives because it does not provide “ample” opportunities to distribute leaflets.
In short, given the limited nature of the prohibition in this case, we have no doubt the designated area affords ample opportunity for protestors to communicate effectively with their intended audience, whether by leafleting, holding signs, giving speeches, or engaging in other expressive activities.
B.
Therefore, because the Policy’s limitation on speech is content neutral, narrowly tailored to achieve a substantial government interest, and allows ample alternative channels of communication, it is a permissible time, place, and manner restriction on speech. Accordingly, the district court correctly granted summary judgment as to Appellant’s First Amendment claims against the City and BCPD.
rv.
Having determined the Policy comports with the First Amendment, we need only briefly address the remaining issues on appeal. Appellant argues the district court erred in (a) granting Officer Early summary judgment on Appellant’s First and Fourth Amendment claims on the basis of qualified immunity; and (b) granting Officer Early summary judgment on Appellant’s state law claims. Finding no error, we affirm.
A.
We first decide whether the district court properly granted qualified immunity to Officer Early on Appellant’s First and Fourth Amendment claims. The qualified immunity defense “ ‘protects government officials from civil damages in a § 1983 action insofar as their conduct does not violate clearly established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have known.’ ” Bland v. Roberts,
1.
We begin by considering whether Officer Early violated Appellant’s First Amendment rights. On this front, Appellant contends that Officer Early is liable for viewpoint discrimination in violation of the First Amendment because he enforced the Policy only against Circus protesters. The record, however, is devoid of any evidence from which a reasonable juror could find that Officer Early arrested Appellant with a content- or viewpoint-based discriminatory purpose. See Pahls v. Thomas,
2.
Appellant’s Fourth Amendment claim, premised on his purportedly unlawful arrests, is similarly infirm. The circumstances of the arrests are straightforward: Officer Early repeatedly ordered Appellant to move the location of his leafleting activity in conformance with the Policy, and Appellant repeatedly refused. Ultimately, after issuing multiple warnings, Officer Early arrested Appellant — twice—■ for the misdemeanor crime of “willfully failing to obey a reasonable and lawful order that a law enforcement officer makes to prevent a disturbance to the public peace.” Md.Code Ann., Crim. Law § 10-201(c)(3). The district court, relying on these undisputed facts, concluded that Officer Early had probable cause to effectuate the challenged arrests “sufficient to vitiate any claim of [42 U.S.C.] § 1983 liability.” Ross II,
A police officer may arrest an individual without a warrant if he “has probable cause to believe that an individual has committed even a very minor criminal offence in his presence[.]” Atwater v. Lago Vista,
Turning first to the “contours” of the offense in question, we observe that Md. Code Ann., Crim. Law § 10-201(c)(3) applies to offenders who “willfully fail to obey a reasonable and lawful order of a law enforcement officer, made to prevent a disturbance of the public peace.” Att’y Grievance Comm’n of Maryland v. Mahone,
Prior to each of the disputed arrests, Officer Early verbally ordered Appellant to move his leafleting activity to the designated area. This order was directed at enforcing the Policy, which was, in turn, directed at maintaining the safety,
B.
With respect to Appellant’s state law claims, the district court determined his claims of false arrest and false imprisonment could not be sustained because each requires a showing that Appellant was deprived of his liberty without legal justification. See Ross II,
V.
For the foregoing reasons, the judgment of the district court is
AFFIRMED.
Notes
.On March 13, 2003, Peter Saar, then acting Chief Legal Counsel for the BCPD, advised Officer Early that “the entire sidewalk” was available for demonstrators. J.A. 166. Citations to the "J.A.” refer to the Joint Appendix filed by the parties in this appeal.
. The parties have stipulated that the e-mails "constitute! ] a policy of the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore and the Baltimore City Police Department!.]” J.A. 156.
. Feld Entertainment parks large trailers on the Hopkins Place plaza during the pendency of the Circus. See J.A. 214, 240.
. For similar reasons, the dissent’s concern that our ruling will provide municipal governments with the incentive to “develop and enforce speech-restrictive ‘Policies’ without having to provide even a whisper of advance notice” is overblown — the promulgation of such policies would be subject to the same due process and vagueness challenges that Appellant could have, but did not, raise here. Post at 554.
. Although Turner involved expressive conduct evaluated under the test set forth in United States v. O’Brien,
. Appellant devotes much of his brief to the argument that the City’s interest is illusory because "there is nothing in the record to suggest that they were remedying an actual threat leafletting [sic] poses to a significant government interest.” Appellant's Br. 28 (emphasis supplied). Appellant misapprehends the applicable standard. The interest served by the Policy must be judged "on the relation it bears to the overall problem the government seeks to correct, not on the extent to which it furthers the government’s interests
. Notably, the dissent agrees with our conclusion that the Policy does not "burden substantially more speech than is necessary to further the government’s legitimate interests." Post at 555. It is difficult to reconcile how a regulation can "burden [no] more speech than necessary” to further its goals while simultaneously "regulat[ing] expression in such a manner that a substantial portion of the burden on speech does not serve to advance its goals.” Id.
. The fact that a few confused or disgruntled protestors actually caused some amount of pedestrian congestion by questioning the origin of the Policy does not, in any case, render the City’s rationale "a challenge to the credulous.” Republican Party of Minn. v. White,
. To the extent Appellant argues the Policy is tantamount to a full-scale ban on leafleting, he mischaracterizes the record. Indeed, his own experts demonstrate that the Policy renders leafleting less effective, not foreclosed. See J.A. 283-84.
. Appellant asserts a largely identical claim for unreasonable seizure under Article 26 of Maryland’s Declaration of Rights. Inasmuch as Article 26 protects the same rights as those protected under the Fourth Amendment, see Melgar ex rel. Melgar v. Greene,
Dissenting Opinion
dissenting:
Appellant Aaron Ross was arrested in 2008 and again in 2009 after he refused to obey Officer Wayne Early’s orders to stop leafleting in the middle of the sidewalk adjacent to Baltimore’s First Mariner Arena, which was hosting the circus. On both occasions, Ross had sought to exercise his First Amendment right to protest the circus’s treatment of animals by handing out leaflets to passersby, and on both occasions, Ross was conducting himself in a peaceful and unobtrusive manner. The sole basis for Early’s order was that Ross was violating what the majority opinion refers to as Baltimore’s “Policy” pertaining to where circus protestors could stand.
But that “Policy” constituted nothing more than an e-mail — copied, pasted, and resent with minor modifications year after year — from Baltimore’s city attorney to about a dozen members of the police department and city staff. It is undisputed that the staff attorney’s e-mail that formed the only basis of what the majority characterizes as “Policy” was neither adopted by the Baltimore City Council nor disseminated to the public in any systematic manner. And there is little dispute, if any, that the only people who knew about the existence of the e-mail were the unelected city employees who developed and sought to enforce its restrictions.
Simply put, the staff attorney’s e-mail does not constitute Baltimore’s “Policy.” Additionally, the secret nature of Baltimore’s restrictions on First Amendment rights warrants the application of heightened scrutiny because of the potential for abuse and selective enforcement associated with the lack of notice and democratic accountability. But even if we were to allow the parties to agree that our review should be under a lower standard of scrutiny, Baltimore’s restrictions fail the narrow-tailoring analysis.
I.
Most of the salient facts in this case are covered in the majority opinion and the district court’s two published opinions, Ross v. Early, 758 F.Supp.2d 313 (D.Md. 2010) (“Ross /”) and Ross v. Early,
First, Ross was arrested in 2008 and 2009 for failing to obey Early’s orders, which were “aimed at enforcing the City’s Protocol.” Ross II,
Second, the district court found that the significant government interests that the restrictions were designed to serve were the preservation of “freedom of movement on public streets and sidewalks[,]” Ross I, 758 F.Supp.2d at 322, as well as “pedestrian safety,” Ross II,
Third, when Ross was arrested in 2008 and 2009, the restrictions were in their fifth and sixth years of enforcement. Nonetheless, the restrictions had not been formally adopted, and there is no evidence that the City took measures to inform the public about them. Additionally, the district court noted in both of its opinions that the police officers’ orders were somewhat vague and left the protestors confused. See Ross II,
Finally, in Ross II, the district court granted summary judgment to Early and the municipal defendants on all of Ross’s claims, with the exception of Ross’s See
II.
The First Amendment prohibits the government from “abridging the freedom of speech ... or the right of the people peaceably to assemble!.]” U.S. Const, amend. I; see also Gitlow v. New York,
But our constitutional speech rights are not unlimited because the First Amendment “does not guarantee the right to communicate one’s views at all times and places or in any manner that may be desired.” Heffron v. Int’l Soc’y for Krishna Consciousness, Inc.,
I agree with the majority opinion that Baltimore’s “Policy” is content neutral and leaves open ample alternative channels of communication. Content-neutral speech restrictions are subject to one of two standards of scrutiny: heightened or intermediate. See Madsen v. Women’s Health Center, Inc.,
A.
Under the first step of the analysis— selecting the appropriate standard of scrutiny — we are guided by two major Supreme Court decisions: Ward,
Madsen’s interpretation of Ward provides a description of the “obvious differences ... between an injunction and a generally applicable ordinance.” Madsen,
If our analysis of the restriction reveals that it is more like an ordinance, then we would apply the intermediate standard. But if our analysis reveals that the restriction is more like an injunction, then we would undertake a “somewhat more stringent application of general First Amendment principles[.]” Id. To put it simply, although speech-restrictive ordinances and injunctions all must be narrowly tailored, the fit between the speech restriction and the government’s goals must be closer with an injunction than with an ordinance. The next section contains a more detailed description of the differences between Ward’s intermediate-scrutiny standard and Madsen’s, heightened-scrutiny standard.
B.
In Ward, a case involving sound-amplification guidelines that applied to all users of a bandshell in Central Park, the Court held that a “regulation of the time, place, or manner of protected speech must be narrowly tailored to serve the government’s legitimate, content-neutral interests but that it need not be the least restrictive or least intrusive means of doing so.” Ward,
In Madsen, a case in which abortion protestors were enjoined from standing within certain “buffer zones” on public and private property, the Court explained that the “standard time, place, and manner analysis is not sufficiently rigorous.” Madsen,
Madsen did not, however, change the narrow-tailoring analysis that courts must conduct for ordinances. Even under the less rigorous intermediate scrutiny, “[g]ov-ernment may not regulate expression in such a manner that a substantial portion of the burden on speech does not serve to advance its goals.” Ward,
In sum, a properly conducted narrow-tailoring analysis examines both whether the restriction is over- or underinclusive. The test for overinclusiveness is more stringent for an injunction than it is for an ordinance, but the test for underinclusiveness is identical for both types of speech restrictions. I turn now to an analysis of the facts of the case to explain why I would apply heightened scrutiny and why, even under intermediate scrutiny, Baltimore’s restrictions would fail a properly conducted narrow-tailoring analysis.
III.
A.
Baltimore’s restrictions were imposed neither via an injunction nor via an ordinance. However, it is clear to me that the City’s unadopted and secret speech restrictions more resemble an injunction than an ordinance.
In deciding to apply the less-stringent intermediate standard, both the district court and the majority found the generally applicable nature of the restrictions to be dispositive. This was error because general applicability is only one characteristic of ordinances. And nothing suggests that it is somehow a dispositive one. As the Supreme Court noted in Madsen, and as the majority opinion recognizes here, ordinances “represent a legislative choice” and carry fewer “risks of censorship and discriminatory application” than do injunctions. Madsen,
By stark contrast, Baltimore’s restrictions involved absolutely no legislative choice regarding the promotion of societal interests. Instead, they were simply made up by an unelected city lawyer. That unelected city employee wrote the restrictions without notice to the public and without the opportunity for public input that is generally required for ordinances passed pursuant to Maryland state law and pursuant to the Charter for the City of Baltimore. See Md. Code Ann., Local Gov’t § 9-105 (precluding Maryland counties from adopting acts, ordinances, or resolutions until ten days after a public hearing and requiring the publication of advance notice of the hearing and a summary of the proposed enactment in a newspaper of general circulation once each week for two successive weeks); Charter of Baltimore City art. Ill, § 14 (requiring legislative acts to “be by ordinance or resolution” and precluding ordinances from taking effect until after three separate readings). The fact that the public never knew — or even could have known — about the existence of the restrictions poses risks of censorship and discriminatory application that are even greater than those risks with injunctions. After all, when a court issues an injunction, it is clear who is bound and what conduct is proscribed. Moreover, the enjoined party’s ability to appeal provides an avenue of relief that is not available with a secret regulation.
The majority cites several cases in which other circuits have applied intermediate scrutiny to generally applicable, but una-dopted, restrictions on speech. Obviously, this Court is not bound by the decisions of other circuits. But to the extent that the cited cases are offered to guide our analysis, they are easily distinguishable from the facts here because they involve a legislative delegation of policymaking authority,
Here, by contrast, Ross had no idea of the existence of the restrictions until he deposed Early while taking discovery in this lawsuit — a full six months after his second arrest, and a year-and-a-half after his first arrest. Indeed, no evidence suggests that anyone beyond the drafter and a dozen or so recipients of the e-mail containing the restrictions — all of whom were people responsible for enforcing the restrictions — had any knowledge of their existence. There is also no evidence that the restrictions were enforced' only in emergency or otherwise unique security situations. Moreover, even if it could be argued that there was no time to officially adopt the restrictions initially, the City certainly had time to adopt and publicize the restrictions at some point during the five years between their creation and Ross’s first arrest.
Today’s ruling has troubling implications. After today, generally applicable, albeit secret, speech restrictions are afforded the same level of scrutiny in the Fourth Circuit as duly adopted ordinances. The potential for abuse is great.
Local governments will be able to develop and enforce speech-restrictive “Policies” without having to provide even a whisper of advance notice regarding the existence or content of the restrictions. In the event that the public becomes aware of the secret speech restrictions, there will be no electoral accountability for the unelected employees who developed the restrictions. And, perhaps most troubling, judicial relief will be more difficult to obtain for the person whose speech is restricted via enforcement of a secret “Policy” than it would be for a person whose speech is restricted via the enforcement of an injunction entered against him. The irony, of course, is that the person restricted by the injunction knows exactly what speech or conduct is proscribed, whereas the person restricted by the secret “Policy” does not — and cannot — know the same until it is too late.
For the foregoing reasons, I would apply the more rigorous narrow-tailoring analysis described in Madsen to Baltimore’s unadopted, speech restrictions in this case. I turn now to an explanation of why, even under intermediate scrutiny, I would hold that Baltimore’s restrictions are not narrowly tailored and, thus, fail.
B.
Though I believe that heightened scrutiny is the correct standard to apply in this case, even under the lower intermediate scrutiny standard applied by the majority, Baltimore’s restrictions fail the narrow-tailoring analysis. As I described above, a
Here, Baltimore’s goals are simple and legitimate; they are to ensure “freedom of movement on public streets and sidewalks[,]” Ross I,
However, it seems plain to me that the restrictions are underinclusive because they “regulate expression in such a manner that a substantial portion of the burden on speech does not serve to advance [the government’s] goals.” Ward,
The record contains still images and videos of Ross’s 2008 and 2009 arrests. It is evident that, as the district court found, Ross posed no threat to public safety and did not impede pedestrians while distributing leaflets. Ross II,
IV.
For the foregoing reasons, I would apply the heightened standard described in Madsen and conclude that Baltimore’s speech restrictions are unconstitutional because they burden more speech than necessary to achieve the City’s goals. But even under the less rigorous standard described in Ward, I would conclude that Baltimore’s restrictions are unconstitutional because they burden speech in a manner that does not advance the City’s goals. Accordingly, I respectfully dissent.
. The majority and the district court concluded that Baltimore’s "Policy” is content neutral and leaves open ample alternative channels of communication. Because I take issue only with (1) the level of scrutiny applied to the restrictions, and (2) the narrow-tailoring analysis that the district court and the majority conducted, I do not discuss either content neutrality or alternative channels of communication in this dissent.
. The majority notes that Ross “accepts intermediate scrutiny as the applicable standard of review and challenges only the district court's determination that, under that standard, the Policy is facially constitutional as a reasonable time, place, and manner restriction on speech.” Ante at 552. But the district court’s conclusions of law pertaining to the First Amendment claim at issue here are reviewable by this Court, regardless of whether Ross "accepts” those conclusions or not. See Kamen v. Kemper Fin. Servs., Inc.,
Additionally, although the majority states that "the parties have stipulated to a set of facts warranting the application of intermediate scrutiny,” ante at 555, the parties' stipulations simply cannot convert the e-mails sent by an unelected city lawyer into an ordinance. Because there is neither an ordinance nor an injunction, this case does not fit neatly into either the Ward or the Madsen analysis. It, therefore, remains our duty to ensure that the appropriate level of scrutiny is applied. See Marbury v. Madison,
. Saieg v. City of Dearborn,
. Marcavage v. City ofN.Y.,
. Faustin v. City and County of Denver, Colo.,
. The majority and the district court simply fail to undertake this second part of the narrow-tailoring analysis.
